A Radical Change of Mindset Is Needed To Get The Africa-Europe Relationship Back On Track

Partnerships in Europe and Africa seem to be cursed. Every time the EU strives to activate the partnership, things seem to be out of order. How will this European assembly election affect the relationship between the EU and the Southern Hemisphere, especially Africa? And what can a new European leader can do to restore the collapsed relationship with Africa?

A love-hate relationship

For the past few years, European and Africa's partnerships have floated. On March 9, 2020, the EU announced a new strategy with Africa. A few days later, the world fell into COVID closed for about two years, and the strategy was buried under dust. On February 17-18, 2022, the lon g-awaited 6th EU / au Summit was held in Brussels, and Charles Michelle European Chairman was described as a "new positive ambitious spirit." In response to the aftermath of COVID, new plans to revive partnerships, including approximately 150 billion euros, an ambitious global gateway investment package of about 150 billion euros, including promising initiatives that support vaccine production in Africa. However, the fate attacked again and the momentum was lost. Just one week after the summit, there was an unimaginable situation on February 24, 2022 that Russia would invade Ukraine. The EU was forced to pay maximum caution to the eastern area. Ambested plans with Africa have been reduced, and many African countries have refused to be involved in a conflict inside Europe. < SPAN> European and African partnerships seem to be cursed. Every time the EU strives to activate the partnership, things seem to be out of order. How will this European assembly election affect the relationship between the EU and the Southern Hemisphere, especially Africa? And what can a new European leader can do to restore the collapsed relationship with Africa?

For the past few years, European and Africa's partnerships have floated. On March 9, 2020, the EU announced a new strategy with Africa. A few days later, the world fell into COVID closed for about two years, and the strategy was buried under dust. On February 17-18, 2022, the lon g-awaited 6th EU / au Summit was held in Brussels, and Charles Michelle European Chairman was described as a "new positive ambitious spirit." In response to the aftermath of COVID, new plans to revive partnerships, including approximately 150 billion euros, an ambitious global gateway investment package of about 150 billion euros, including promising initiatives that support vaccine production in Africa. However, the fate attacked again and the momentum was lost. Just one week after the summit, there was an unimaginable situation on February 24, 2022 that Russia would invade Ukraine. The EU was forced to pay maximum caution to the eastern area. Ambested plans with Africa have been reduced, and many African countries have refused to be involved in a conflict inside Europe. Partnerships in Europe and Africa seem to be cursed. Every time the EU strives to activate the partnership, things seem to be out of order. How will this European assembly election affect the relationship between the EU and the Southern Hemisphere, especially Africa? And what can a new European leader can do to restore the collapsed relationship with Africa?

For the past few years, European and Africa's partnerships have floated. On March 9, 2020, the EU announced a new strategy with Africa. A few days later, the world fell into COVID closed for about two years, and the strategy was buried under dust. On February 17-18, 2022, the lon g-awaited 6th EU / au Summit was held in Brussels, and Charles Michelle European Chairman was described as a "new positive ambitious spirit." In response to the aftermath of COVID, new plans to revive partnerships, including approximately 150 billion euros, an ambitious global gateway investment package of about 150 billion euros, including promising initiatives that support vaccine production in Africa. However, the fate attacked again and the momentum was lost. Just one week after the summit, there was an unimaginable situation on February 24, 2022 that Russia would invade Ukraine. The EU was forced to pay maximum caution to the eastern area. Ambested plans with Africa have been reduced, and many African countries have refused to be involved in a conflict inside Europe.

Changing power relations

On the other hand, OACPS-EU's post-cootonu agreement negotiations were prolonged for several years, and there was almost no progress. This parallel postcolonial agreement, which is the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries south of Sahara, has proved to have weak political traction and useless long items. The agreement was scheduled to be signed in Samoa in the Pacific Ocean on November 15, 2023, but about 30 of the 79 OACPS members rejected the signing at the last moment. At the end of 2023, most of these countries were signing at the end of 2023, but about 10 countries, including Nigeria, in Africa, have not yet signed. With the withdrawal of South Africa earlier in 2022, the Samoa Agreement with the OACPS Group, another African heavyweight, appears to be dead rather than alive. On November 20, a few days after Samoa's failure, the AU-EU Ministerial Meeting was canceled at a bad timing. Many African ministers on a long return from Samoa refused to come to Brussels. The Ministerial Meeting was held during the deepening conflict over the dispute between the EU and African countries, especially Israel and Palestine.

Fundamental changes needed

Today, the EU and au seem to be unable to agree on the new leading summit schedule, and is even questioned if the leading summit will be held by 2030. Obviously, the relationship between Europe and Africa appears to be dominated by Murphy's law: Everything that doesn't work is not successful, at the worst time. However, such a series of mistakes and opportunity loss is not just a coincidence. These are a clear sign that the EU, Africa, and eventually the relationship between the "West World" and the "Southern Hemisphere" occur. < SPAN> On the other hand, OACPS-EU's postcotonu agreement negotiations have been prolonged for several years and have little progress. The parallel postcolonial agreement, which is the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries south of Sahara, has proved that political traction and useless long items. The agreement was scheduled to be signed in Samoa in the Pacific Ocean on November 15, 2023, but about 30 of the 79 OACPS members rejected the signing at the last moment. At the end of 2023, most of these countries were signing at the end of 2023, but about 10 countries, including Nigeria, in Africa, have not yet signed. With the withdrawal of South Africa earlier in 2022, the Samoa Agreement with the OACPS Group, another African heavyweight, appears to be dead rather than alive. On November 20, a few days after Samoa's failure, the AU-EU Ministerial Meeting was canceled at a bad timing. Many African ministers on a long return from Samoa refused to come to Brussels. The ministerial meeting was held during the deepening conflict over the conflict between the EU and African countries, especially the conflict between Israel and Palestine.

Today, the EU and au seem to be unable to agree on the new leading summit schedule, and is even questioned if the leading summit will be held by 2030. Obviously, the relationship between Europe and Africa appears to be dominated by Murphy's law: Everything that doesn't work is not successful, at the worst time. However, such a series of mistakes and opportunity loss is not just a coincidence. These are a clear sign that the EU, Africa, and eventually the relationship between the "West World" and "Southern Hemisphere" have a deep problem. On the other hand, OACPS-EU's post-cootonu agreement negotiations were prolonged for several years, and there was almost no progress. The parallel postcolonial agreement, which is the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries south of Sahara, has proved that political traction and useless long items. The agreement was scheduled to be signed in Samoa in the Pacific Ocean on November 15, 2023, but about 30 of the 79 OACPS members rejected the signing at the last moment. At the end of 2023, most of these countries were signing at the end of 2023, but about 10 countries, including Nigeria, in Africa, have not yet signed. With the withdrawal of South Africa earlier in 2022, the Samoa Agreement with the OACPS Group, another African heavyweight, appears to be dead rather than alive. On November 20, a few days after Samoa's failure, the AU-EU Ministerial Meeting was canceled at a bad timing. Many African ministers on a long return from Samoa refused to come to Brussels. The ministerial meeting was held during the deepening conflict over the conflict between the EU and African countries, especially the conflict between Israel and Palestine.

Today, the EU and au seem to be unable to agree on the schedule of the new leading summit, and is even questioned if the leading summit will be held by 2030. Obviously, the relationship between Europe and Africa appears to be dominated by Murphy's law: everything that doesn't work is not good, and at the worst time. However, such a series of mistakes and opportunity loss is not just a coincidence. These are a clear sign that the EU, Africa, and eventually the relationship between the "West World" and the "Southern Hemisphere" occur.

In the new multipolar world order, Africa can choose "a la carte" from the menu offered by its various partners. The relatively new club, BRICS, is fast becoming attractive to countries of the Global South. The group questions the multilateral rules-based world order and institutions, which it considers unfair, dominated by Western countries, and no longer represents the changing economic and political powers at the global level. The EU's fragmented and ambiguous response to the Gaza disaster has eroded Europe's credibility in Africa. And the EU's controversial deals with North African countries to curb migration have made it increasingly difficult for the EU to claim the moral high ground in the world. Patronizing attitudes, double standards, and interference in the internal affairs of former colonial powers such as France have strengthened anti-European sentiment and increased Russia's footprint. The EU is now at a crossroads, desperately trying to counter its negative image. But beyond its widespread promotion as a banner for a global gateway, more convincing action is needed to regain Africa's trust. What steps can the new European leadership take to revitalize its partnership with Africa? In the new multipolar world order, Africa can choose “à la carte” from the menu offered by its various partners. The relatively new club, BRICS, is fast becoming attractive to countries in the Global South. The group questions the multilateral rules-based world order and institutions. It believes that the institutions are unfair, dominated by Western countries, and no longer represent the changing economic and political powers at the global level. The fragmented and ambiguous response of the EU to the Gaza disaster has eroded Europe’s credibility in Africa. And the EU’s deals with North African countries to curb migration are controversial, making it increasingly difficult for the EU to claim the moral high ground in the world. Patronizing attitudes, double standards, and interference in the internal affairs of former colonial powers such as France have strengthened anti-European sentiment and increased Russia’s footprint. The EU is now at a crossroads, desperately trying to counter its negative image. But more convincing action is needed to restore Africa’s credibility beyond its widespread promotion as a banner for global gateways.

What steps can Europe’s new leadership take to revitalize its partnership with Africa? In the new multipolar world order, Africa can choose “à la carte” from the menu offered by its various partners. The relatively new club, BRICS, is fast becoming attractive to countries in the Global South. The group questions the multilateral rules-based world order and institutions. It believes that the institutions are unfair, dominated by Western countries, and no longer represent the changing economic and political powers at the global level. The fragmented and ambiguous EU response to the Gaza disaster has eroded Europe’s credibility in Africa. And the EU’s controversial deals with North African countries to curb migration have made it increasingly difficult for the EU to claim the moral high ground in the world. Patronizing attitudes, double standards, and interference in internal affairs by former colonial powers such as France have strengthened anti-European sentiment and increased Russia’s footprint. The EU is now at a crossroads, desperately trying to counter its negative image. But beyond its widespread promotion as a global gateway, it needs to take more convincing action to regain Africa's trust.

What steps can Europe's new leadership take to revitalize its partnership with Africa?

First, end the traditional Nort h-South dependence and invest in a partnership led by interests in equal relations. This is easy to say and difficult. It means the fundamental separation of clien t-based agreements (OACPS, British Federation, Francophony) after colonial contributions and norms execution methods. Of course, to do so, a more aggressive African leadership is needed to clearly show their own expectations and interests for the EU, and to abandon many years of vested interests. A more equal partnership also means to deepen Europe's sympathy for Africa concerns and desires in important areas such as climate change, food security, energy, health, manufacturing, labor transfer, and African representatives in international organizations. 。 In 2050, 12 Africans are born every time a European is born. From the present to 2035, every year, more young Africans, who have combined other areas of the world, become labor. This has a great possibility of strengthening partnership based on mutual interests. Such consciousness is also spreading to the EU member states who did not have a colonial relationship with Africa. Among these and Eastern European countries, they have formulated their own African strategies in the past few years, focusing on joint opportunities in innovative fields such as digitalization, renewable energy, and recycling economy. The embassy has been established in Ajisabeba's au levels and major African countries.

VP Applyng European mndsets n Afrcan markets

Second, continuing to invest for geopolitical EU. In a constant world of today, large investment in EU's defense is inevitable. Strategic autonomy and "speaking the words of power" will be more needed than ever before, in which the relationship with the United States may be in danger after the next American election. So far, Europe has worked well in c o-responding in Russia's invasion of Ukraine. However, in Europe's conflicts in the Middle East and Africa, which appears to be far from the European border, it is a European interest. In fact, these conflicts have had a major impact on European security and immigration issues, and as a result, the righ t-wing populist party has emerged in recent European and domestic elections. If the EU wants to be a geopolitical player, it will be inevitable to reduce the veto of each country and change the European treaty.

Third, to defend the EU’s “soft power”, but with more consistency and less double standards. A security-based approach necessarily needs to be complemented with non-military assistance aimed at addressing the root causes of political instability and conflict. In terms of “soft power”, the EU is a global power that shapes global norms, standards and laws in every major policy area: international trade, green transition, deforestation, renewable energy, food security, raw materials, sustainable development goals, values ​​agenda, labour standards, cybersecurity, privacy, artificial intelligence, hate speech and fake news. This “Brussels effect” aims to improve the welfare of its citizens, but is increasingly perceived as serving the EU’s own economic interests. Citizens in the “South”, including Europe and Africa, are increasingly questioning these norms. In Europe, the recent European Parliament elections saw the downfall of the Green Party and the rise of far-right parties, likely due to the perception of the high costs of the green transition for some economic groups, including farmers. In the Global South, there is growing resentment over the use of double standards, such as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), and the protectionist nature of geo-economic EU standards. EU regulations can be a powerful tool for positive change globally, but it remains essential to constantly mitigate the negative impacts on the most vulnerable people within the EU.

Mutual challenges, mutual help

Fourth, stay engaged and learn to manage relations with countries with which you don’t get along. It is recognized that today’s global world is not perfect and European norms and values ​​are not necessarily universal. Imposing sanctions or forcing countries to leave the EU for not living up to EU values ​​would inevitably push these countries into the hands of other global powers. Finding creative ways to reach out to reform-minded dynamic forces in society while staying engaged with authoritarian-led countries would be the best recipe for restoring trust in democracy.

Fifth, undergoing promises and excessive delivery! The EU tends to be recognized in Africa as a player who "promises overtime and brings undering results." In order to fix that image, there is no need to increase the EU's comprehensive strategy and the declaration of love. EU should practice what he preaches. Supporting Africa's wishes, such as improving the status of Africa national team in the multilateral system, reform of the United Nations Security Council, UN Bank, and International Trade and Financial Systems, such as IMFs and World Banks, is the benefit of the EU itself. 。 If these reforms remain on the reef, Africa and Global South have an ambition to create their own systems or, after all, to break the power and influence of the western world. It will work with other global players (Brics).

The ahead of the EU in the partnership between Africa and the Southern Hemisphere will be complicated. In a world where competition intensifies, the EU still offers attractive models with its own sales points. You don't have to be responsible for yourself, but the European new leaders should confront many issues from the front without falling into sel f-satisfaction!

On February 18, the leaders of the European Union (EU) and the African Union (au) gathered in Brussels and announced a "new partnership" and "joint vision for 2030." Six days later, Russia invaded Ukraine and ruined most lon g-term plans in Europe and the world.

The war in Ukraine disturbed Europe stability and brought shock waves to the entire international system. However, the "no precedent, common issues that are piled up", which were mentioned in the joint vision, have continued to intensify due to new disputes. For both Europe and Africa, strengthening relationships is more indispensable than ever.

European officials, who have already been worried about pandemic (global epidemic), have to deal with new refugee issues and record inflation that more than 8 million people, more than 8 million people, will suddenly escape from Ukraine. It's gone. Before the war, 80 million European households were struggling to heat last winter due to rising fossil fuel prices, lo w-income, and poor energy efficiency. < SPAN> The fifth, too much promise and excessive delivery! The EU tends to be recognized in Africa as a player who "promises overtime and brings undering results." In order to fix that image, there is no need to increase the EU's comprehensive strategy and the declaration of love. EU should practice what he preaches. Supporting Africa's wishes, such as improving the status of Africa national team in the multilateral system, reform of the United Nations Security Council, UN Bank, and International Trade and Financial Systems, such as IMFs and World Banks, is the benefit of the EU itself. 。 If these reforms remain on the reef, Africa and Global South have an ambition to create their own systems or, after all, to break the power and influence of the western world. It will work with other global players (Brics).

The ahead of the EU in the partnership between Africa and the Southern Hemisphere will be complicated. In a world where competition intensifies, the EU still offers attractive models with its own sales points. You don't have to be responsible for yourself, but the European new leaders should confront many issues from the front without falling into sel f-satisfaction!

On February 18, the leaders of the European Union (EU) and the African Union (au) gathered in Brussels and announced a "new partnership" and "joint vision for 2030." Six days later, Russia invaded Ukraine and ruined most lon g-term plans in Europe and the world.

The war in Ukraine disturbed Europe stability and brought shock waves to the entire international system. However, the "no precedent, common issues that are piled up", which were mentioned in the joint vision, have continued to intensify due to new disputes. For both Europe and Africa, strengthening relationships is more indispensable than ever.

European officials, who have already been worried about pandemic (global epidemic), have to deal with new refugee issues and record inflation that more than 8 million people, more than 8 million people, will suddenly escape from Ukraine. It's gone. Before the war, 80 million European households were struggling to heat last winter due to rising fossil fuel prices, lo w-income, and poor energy efficiency. Fifth, undergoing promises and excessive delivery! The EU tends to be recognized in Africa as a player who "promises overtime and brings undering results." In order to fix that image, there is no need to increase the EU's comprehensive strategy and the declaration of love. EU should practice what he preaches. Supporting Africa's wishes, such as improving the status of Africa national team in the multilateral system, reform of the United Nations Security Council, UN Bank, and International Trade and Financial Systems, such as IMFs and World Banks, is the benefit of the EU itself. 。 If these reforms remain on the reef, Africa and Global South have an ambition to create their own systems or, after all, to break the power and influence of the western world. It will work with other global players (Brics).

The ahead of the EU in the partnership between Africa and the Southern Hemisphere will be complicated. In a world where competition intensifies, the EU still offers attractive models with its own sales points. You don't have to be responsible for yourself, but the European new leaders should confront many issues from the front without falling into sel f-satisfaction!

Needed: A new paradigm

On February 18, the leaders of the European Union (EU) and the African Union (au) gathered in Brussels and announced a "new partnership" and "joint vision for 2030." Six days later, Russia invaded Ukraine and ruined most lon g-term plans in Europe and the world.

The war in Ukraine disturbed Europe stability and brought shock waves to the entire international system. However, the "no precedent, common issues that are piled up", which were mentioned in the joint vision, have continued to intensify due to new disputes. For both Europe and Africa, strengthening relationships is more indispensable than ever.

European officials, who have already been worried about pandemic (global epidemic), have to deal with new refugee issues and record inflation that more than 8 million people, more than 8 million people, will suddenly escape from Ukraine. It's gone. Before the war, 80 million European households had been struggling to heat last winter due to rising fossil fuel prices, lo w-income, and poor energy efficiency.

On the other side of the Mediterranean, African economies are facing soaring food, fuel and fertilizer prices as imports from Ukraine and Russia are halted. Inflation is amplifying food shortages across the continent, putting millions at risk of extreme hunger in the Sahel and Horn of Africa. While Africa is trying to recover from the economic impacts of COVID-19, African leaders have turned to raise awareness in the international community about the significant impact of a war that has nothing to do with their countries. On June 3, AU Chair Macky Sall (President of Senegal) met with Russian President Putin to request the release of food supplies stuck in the Black Sea.

The meeting made headlines around the world as having unprecedented diplomatic impact.

This was more than a simple humanitarian request expressed by some Africans for help. First, it was a sign of Africa's presence on the international stage as a significant player. Sall did not simply represent his country, but 54 other countries as chairman of the African Union. Second, the monkey's voice represented non-aligned nations. Africa spoke in the name of its own interests, not as an appendage of the world's great powers.

This new global assertiveness could also be the seed for new cooperation between Africa and its partners, including Europe.

Is Europe ready?

New EU sanctions banning oil imports from Russia will worsen fuel shortages in Europe, especially in the short term. The United States exports large amounts of oil and gas across the Atlantic. But Europe also has alternative sources of supply to Africa.

Africa, with its rich reserves of fossil fuels and its proximity to Europe, can help EU countries move away from Russian energy. The Italian government has already forged new deals with Algeria, Egypt, Angola and the Republic of Congo to replace nearly two-thirds of the country's Russian gas supplies. And German Chancellor Olaf Scholz visited Dakar in May to discuss the development of a natural gas project off the coast of Senegal.

But these resources cannot come at the expense of the vital development needs of the African people. That is why Europe, in the name of mutual and shared interests, must consider the benefits of financing fossil fuel projects in Africa. This could jump-start critical infrastructure development and expand local access to electricity in some African countries where natural gas has been discovered.

The long-term vision for EU-EU energy cooperation must remain to facilitate a complete transition to net-zero carbon emissions. Now that EU ministers are seeking to accelerate the implementation of the European Green Deal, African countries can once again serve as promising trading partners to make this plan a reality. The geography of the African continent offers enormous potential for wind, solar, geothermal and hydroelectric power, while also being home to the richest deposits of critical minerals and rare earth metals essential for green technologies.

As with fossil fuels, this is not a one-way street. The continent is severely affected by the environmental crisis, highlighting the urgent need to work with the world's leading polluters to develop climate-resilient development. European investments in Africa’s clean energy capacity and adaptation programs are an opportunity for the wealthy continent to secure a renewable future by importing green energy while taking viable accountability for its role in greenhouse gas emissions.

The €150 billion Global Gateway investment package announced last year is an encouraging EU commitment to Africa, but it must be followed by consistent, responsible and honest diplomacy to ensure that investments are delivered transparently.

Whether it is energy or climate change, the most important thing to align European and African interests is to change the way the former thinks about the latter. For centuries, European colonialism and slavery have plundered Africa for its people and natural resources. But Africa is changing: Sub-Saharan Africa, already the youngest population in the world, will have nearly a quarter of the planet's population in 20 years. Since the beginning of the millennium, Africa has experienced the emergence of a middle class of 300 million people, the largest in the world by number of participating countries.

The African continent needs more than just aid and humanitarian assistance. Its strategic transformation points to the beginning of a new geopolitical order that is not reflected in the international development architecture. By siding with Africa in advocating deep reforms to the Bretton Woods institutions, Europe could strengthen its ties with its growing neighbor.

The transatlantic partnership in Africa

Despite geographical proximity and historical ties, this is an area where Europe needs to address. Apart from France, China and the US, there are other players such as India, Russia, Brazil, Turkey and the Gulf countries that are rapidly expanding and diversifying their partnerships with Africa.

The EU remains the continent’s main multilateral partner, with trade reaching $245 billion in 2018, while China rules the roost in bilateral trade, reaching $254 billion in 2021. China is also Africa’s largest foreign aid donor, showing that it is no longer content with building bridges and hotels.

Moreover, Europe’s traditional ridicule towards Africa over its relations with China does not hold water. Concerns that Chinese debt is harmful and that Russia’s war could set a dangerous precedent are not enough to deter African countries from freely choosing partners according to their own perception of interests. From the African countries’ point of view, the mistreatment of students on the Polish border in the early days of the war and the Western countries’ initial reluctance to share vaccines during the COVID-19 pandemic are examples of why non-alignment must be adhered to.

For example, the populis t-like rhetoric and the center of behavior, which are often faced by immigration to Europe, have a pessimistic and paternity approach to Africa. Over the past decade, remittances from Dia Spola in Africa have exceeded international assistance on the African continent. There is no danger that citizens of African countries will swell Europe. 70 % of African immigrants remain on the African continent. Despite its high birth rate, African population density is closer to Europe than in relatively cramped countries in China and India.

• This does not mean to close the tragedy of immigrants across the Mediterranean to reach Europe. Rather, it is important to recognize the prejudice faced by those who escaped from Africa and how their prejudice affects the relationship between the two continents. Currently, most of the immigrants from Africa have occurred in the African continent, not in Europe, and there are signs that this attitude has reduced Europe's attractiveness to the younger generation in Africa. The compassion for European praise to Ukrainian refugees reminds that immigrants from Africa have never received the same mercy while escaping the same dangerous conflict.
• German Prime Minister Olaf Cholt's leaders, including Prime Minister Oraf Choltz, promised to resume grain exports to Africa while au officials focus on resolving food anxiety in the Ukrainian dispute. In order to compete with the spread of terrorism, another important issue in au, the EU has agreed to continue supporting "Afric a-led peace support activities." This week, the United Nations Security Council advocated a minusMa update on June 30, despite the deterioration of Paris and Bamako.
• The frustration in the relationship continues:, for example, the EU continues to resist the Au leaders' demands seeking abandonment of short-term intellectual property rights to expand COVID-19 vaccine in Africa. < SPAN> For example, in the center of populis t-like rhetorics and actions that immigrants aiming to migrate to Europe often face, there is a pessimistic and paternity approach to Africa. Over the past decade, remittances from Dia Spola in Africa have exceeded international assistance on the African continent. There is no danger that citizens of African countries will swell Europe. 70 % of African immigrants remain on the African continent. Despite its high birth rate, African population density is closer to Europe than in relatively cramped countries in China and India.
• This does not mean to close the tragedy of immigrants across the Mediterranean to reach Europe. Rather, it is important to recognize the prejudice faced by those who escaped from Africa and how their prejudice affects the relationship between the two continents. Currently, most of the immigrants from Africa have occurred in the African continent, not in Europe, and there are signs that this attitude has reduced Europe's attractiveness to the younger generation in Africa. The compassion for European praise to Ukrainian refugees reminds that immigrants from Africa have never received the same mercy while escaping the same dangerous conflict.
• German Prime Minister Olaf Cholt's leaders, including Prime Minister Oraf Choltz, promised to resume grain exports to Africa while au officials focus on resolving food anxiety in the Ukrainian dispute. In order to compete with the spread of terrorism, another important issue in au, the EU has agreed to continue supporting "Afric a-led peace support activities." This week, the United Nations Security Council advocated a minusMa update on June 30, despite the deterioration of Paris and Bamako.
• The frustration in the relationship continues:, for example, the EU continues to resist the Au leaders' demands seeking abandonment of short-term intellectual property rights to expand COVID-19 vaccine in Africa. For example, the populis t-like rhetoric and the center of behavior, which are often faced by immigration to Europe, have a pessimistic and paternity approach to Africa. Over the past decade, remittances from Dia Spola in Africa have exceeded international assistance on the African continent. There is no danger that citizens of African countries will swell Europe. 70 % of African immigrants remain on the African continent. Despite its high birth rate, African population density is closer to Europe than in relatively cramped countries in China and India.
• This does not mean to close the tragedy of immigrants across the Mediterranean to reach Europe. Rather, it is important to recognize the prejudice faced by those who escaped from Africa and how their prejudice affects the relationship between the two continents. Currently, most of the immigrants from Africa have occurred in the African continent, not in Europe, and there are signs that this attitude has reduced Europe's attractiveness to the younger generation in Africa. The compassion for European praise to Ukrainian refugees reminds that immigrants from Africa have never received the same mercy while escaping the same dangerous conflict.
• German Prime Minister Olaf Cholt's leaders, including Prime Minister Oraf Choltz, promised to resume grain exports to Africa while au officials focus on resolving food anxiety in the Ukrainian dispute. In order to compete with the spread of terrorism, another important issue in au, the EU has agreed to continue supporting "Afric a-led peace support activities." This week, the United Nations Security Council advocated a minusMa update on June 30, despite the deterioration of Paris and Bamako.

The frustration in the relationship continues:, for example, the EU continues to resist the Au leaders' demands seeking abandonment of short-term intellectual property rights to expand COVID-19 vaccine in Africa.