Designing Improved Safer Gambling Messages for Race and Sports Betting What can be Learned from

Designing Improved Safer Gambling Messages for Race and Sports Betting: What can be Learned from Other Gambling Formats and the Broader Public Health Literature?

Designing safer gambling messages for horse racing and sports betting: What can we learn from other forms of gambling and the broader public health literature?

Philip W. S. NewallORCID: orcid. org/0000-0002-1660-92541, 2 ,
Matthew Rockloff3
Nerilee Hing3 ,
Hannah Thorne4 ,
Alex M. T. Russell2 ,
Matthew Brown3
…
Tess Armstrong4

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Abstract

Safer gambling messages are one potential input into public health approaches to reducing gambling-related harms, but there is a lack of strong evidence to support current messages such as "gamble responsibly" or "keep the fun in the game". Furthermore, sports betting is growing in popularity in multiple jurisdictions, including Australia and the United States, increasing the need to design effective messaging campaigns around racing and sports betting. Compared to other forms of gambling, such as electronic gambling machines, the high level of potential skill in racing and sports betting may pose unique challenges for the design of effective messages. This review first focuses on research in the public health-related areas of alcohol and tobacco. It then considers five potential areas for further messaging-based research in horse racing and sports betting: teaching safer gambling practices, correcting misconceptions about gambling, encouraging conscious decision-making, norm-based messages, and emotional messages. A broad approach to message design is encouraged, as message receptivity varies among individuals and frequently repeated messages may be ignored or provoke negative psychological reactions.

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Avoid common mistakes in manuscripts

Gambling has been regarded as public health issues by many researchers and some policy, which uses a variety of strategies to reduce gamblin g-related harm in groups. (Bowden-Jones et al., 2016; 2016; korn & amp; Shaffer, 1999; livingstone & amp; Rintoul, 2020; P; Petticrew, 2019; Wardle, Reith, LANGHAM, & amp; Rogers, 2019). More safer gambling messages, like the messages used in the public health issues related to cigarettes and alcohol, are one of the potential inputs of the public health approach to this goal (Gambling Commission, 2019. ). Electronic gambling machines (EGM) are one of the gambling products that contribute to displacement of the people in many jurisdictions (The Economist, 2017), and more safely gambling messaging. It is subject (Ginley et al., 2017). In contrast, lacebetting and sports betting have increased gambling loss in multiple areas (Altruda, 2022; Queensland Government, 2019), which is due to frequent online and mobile platforms. It is considered (hing et al., 2015, 2016; newAll, russell, & amp; hing, 2021). However, racing and sports betting have much less research on gambling messaging. Therefore, it is necessary to obtain evidence from public healt h-related literature on other gambling activities and drinking problems. The purpose of this review is to consider what you can learn from existing literature.

In Australia, sports and horse racing are the main forms of online gambling, and despite the major causes of online gambling (Hing et al., 2022), consumers are required to use. In addition to the general message of "gambling with responsibility", there is no consistent nationwide approach to a safer gambling message. According to recent gaze tracking surveys, this message is (a) very frequently repeated, or (b) the proportion of the physical space of Australian gambling advertisements is small, so normal sports betors It is suggested that it hardly absorbs (Lole et al., 2019). Therefore, a very reasonable proposal is that these messages "gambling are responsible" should be increased over time, just as requested by a regulated Australian cigarette warning. That is (Borland & amp; Hill, 1997).

However, some researchers have questioned the effectiveness of “gamble responsibly” messages due to their connotations. “Gamble responsibly” implies that some proportion of gamblers gamble irresponsibly (Reith, 2008) and that gambling-related harm is the result of a lack of personal responsibility. Such messages, which imply personal failure, may create stigma associated with gambling (Hing et al., 2016; Miller & Thomas, 2017), which may have unintended consequences related to shame and stigma, reducing the likelihood of harm-reducing behaviors such as help-seeking. The backfire effect of such messages has been experimentally observed in the alcohol literature in response to “drink responsibly” messages (Moss et al.). Although there are no studies on whether “gamble responsibly” positively or negatively influences help-seeking or other gambling behaviors, there are solid psychological reasons to consider safer gambling messages beyond mere carelessness. Social psychologists have shown that when the same message is repeated frequently, it creates negative psychological reactance, causing the message to backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Cacioppo & Petty, 1979). This negative psychological reactance may have led to the observed reverse effect of the “drink responsibly” message. However, some researchers have questioned the effectiveness of the “gamble responsibly” message due to its connotations. The appeal to “gamble responsibly” implies that some percentage of gamblers gamble irresponsibly (Reith, 2008) and that gambling-related harm is the result of a lack of personal responsibility. Such messages, which imply personal failure, may create stigma associated with gambling (Hing et al., 2016; Miller & Thomas, 2017), which may have unintended consequences related to shame and stigma, reducing the likelihood of harm-reducing behaviors such as help-seeking. Such backfire effects of messages have been experimentally observed in the alcohol literature in response to “drink responsibly” messages (Moss et al.). Although there are no studies on whether “gamble responsibly” has a positive or negative effect on help-seeking or other gambling behaviors, there are solid psychological reasons beyond mere inattention to consider safer gambling messages. Social psychologists have shown that frequently repeated messages can create negative psychological reactance, causing the message to backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Cacioppo & Petty, 1979). This negative psychological reactance may have led to the observed reverse effect of the “drink responsibly” message. However, the connotations of the “gamble responsibly” message have led some researchers to doubt its effectiveness. The appeal to “gamble responsibly” implies that some gamblers gamble irresponsibly (Reith, 2008) and that gambling-related harm is the result of a lack of personal responsibility. Such messages, implying personal failure, may create stigma associated with gambling (Hing et al., 2016; Miller & amp; Thomas, 2017), which may have unintended consequences related to shame and stigma, decreasing the likelihood of harm-reducing behaviors such as help-seeking. Backfire effects of such messages have been observed experimentally in the alcohol literature in response to “drink responsibly” messages (Moss et al.). Although there are no studies on whether “gambling responsibly” positively or negatively influences help-seeking or other gambling behaviors, there are solid psychological reasons to consider safer gambling messages beyond mere carelessness. Social psychologists have shown that when the same message is repeated frequently, it creates negative psychological reactance, causing the message to backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Cacioppo & amp; Petty, 1979). It is possible that this negative psychological reactance led to the observed backfire effects of “drink responsibly” messages.

The individual difference that affects the effect of the message is also a reason to examine multiple possibilities of safer gambling messages. In fact, many studies have shown that general slogans, especially the slogan written on the signs in the venue, are almost ignored by gamblers (monaghan & amp; blazczynski, 2010; hing, 2003; schrans, grace. & amp; Schellinck, 2003). A gambler may be greatly affected by the specific hints and strategies of more secure gambling, and another gambler may be greatly affected by emotional messages. Such stable individual differences in the effects of specific warnings are observed in the literature of graphic health warning tobacco (Romer et al., 2013). Other research suggests that a more secure gambling message may be backfired if it is distributed to the wrong part of the group (Armstrong et al., 2018; Mizerski et al. 2012). Therefore, the motivation for patients with gambling (Stewart & Amp; Zack, 2008) is different (Prochaska & Amp; Dictmente, 1986) Message It is important to investigate how each message is received between different groups of gambling addicted patients. The individual difference that affects the effect of the message is also a reason to examine multiple possibilities of safer gambling messages. In fact, many studies have shown that general slogans, especially the slogan written on the signs in the venue, are almost ignored by gamblers (monaghan & amp; blazczynski, 2010; hing, 2003; schrans, grace. & amp; Schellinck, 2003). A gambler may be greatly affected by the specific hints and strategies of more secure gambling, and another gambler may be greatly affected by emotional messages. Such stable individual differences in the effects of specific warnings are observed in the literature of graphic health warning tobacco (Romer et al., 2013). Other research suggests that a more secure gambling message may be backfired if it is distributed to the wrong part of the group (Armstrong et al., 2018; Mizerski et al. 2012). Therefore, the motivation for patients with gambling (Stewart & Amp; Zack, 2008) is different (Prochaska & Amp; Dictmente, 1986) Message It is important to investigate how each message is received between different groups of gambling addicted patients. The individual difference that affects the effect of the message is also a reason to examine multiple possibilities of safer gambling messages. In fact, many studies have shown that general slogans, especially the slogan written on the signs in the venue, are almost ignored by gamblers (monaghan & amp; blazczynski, 2010; hing, 2003; schrans, grace. & amp; Schellinck, 2003). A gambler may be greatly affected by the specific hints and strategies of more secure gambling, and another gambler may be greatly affected by emotional messages. Such stable individual differences in the effects of specific warnings are observed in the literature of graphic health warning tobacco (Romer et al., 2013). Other research suggests that a more secure gambling message may be backfired if it is distributed to the wrong part of the group (Armstrong et al., 2018; Mizerski et al. 2012). Therefore, the motivation for patients with gambling (Stewart & Amp; Zack, 2008) is different (Prochaska & Amp; Dictmente, 1986) Message It is important to investigate how each message is received between different groups of gambling addicted patients.

More secure gambling messages are also used in areas other than Australia, but have been criticized as the message "Gambling with responsibility." For example, in Ontario, Canada, such as "Let's leave fun in the game" (Newall et al., 2022), and in Switzerland, "Gamble will continue to be a game" (Mountyrac et al., 2017). These messages, which implicitly emphasize that gambling is a "game," resembles the word "gaming" that the gambling industry likes to use instead of "gambling" (Reith, 2008). Gambling emphasizes that it is a game, and therefore a safe gambling message that has the meaning of harmless play is definitely lo w-validity of the face. The additional word "fun" in Canada messages is not an isolated example of a safe gambling message. "If you don't have fun, stop," was the most common in British safe gambling messages from the start of 2015 to 2021. In the only independent evaluation of this message, which uses gambling behavior at the same time as a subordinate variable, if the word "fun" is written in font that is larger than other text, participation. The result that matched the frequency of gambling is slightly higher, which matches the small opposite effect (Newall et al., 2022). This shows that there are few gambling messages currently used internationally, which are based on healthy superficial validity or obviously positive effects.

In the remaining part of this review, after first considering related documents from other public health areas, five message themes (guidance of more secure gambling practice methods, incorrect recognition of gambling (gambling. This section describes the correction, the support of conscious decisio n-making, a message based on the norm, an emotional message). safer gambling messages are also used in no n-Australia, but have criticized the same as the message "Gambling with responsibility." For example, in Ontario, Canada, such as "Let's leave fun in the game" (Newall et al., 2022), and in Switzerland, "Gamble will continue to be a game" (Mountyrac et al., 2017). These messages, which implicitly emphasize that gambling is a "game," resembles the word "gaming" that the gambling industry likes to use instead of "gambling" (Reith, 2008). Gambling emphasizes that it is a game, and therefore a safe gambling message that has the meaning of harmless play is definitely lo w-validity of the face. The additional word "fun" in Canada messages is not an isolated example of a safe gambling message. "If you don't have fun, stop," was the most common in British safe gambling messages from the start of 2015 to 2021. In the only independent evaluation of this message, which uses gambling behavior at the same time as a subordinate variable, if the word "fun" is written in font that is larger than other text, participation. The result that matched the frequency of gambling is slightly higher, which matches the small opposite effect (Newall et al., 2022). This shows that there are few gambling messages currently used internationally, which are based on healthy superficial validity or obviously positive effects.

In the remaining part of this review, after first considering related documents from other public health areas, five message themes (guidance of more secure gambling practice methods, incorrect recognition of gambling (gambling. This section describes the correction, the support of conscious decisio n-making, a message based on the norm, an emotional message). More secure gambling messages are also used in areas other than Australia, but have been criticized as the message "Gambling with responsibility." For example, in Ontario, Canada, such as "Let's leave fun in the game" (Newall et al., 2022), and in Switzerland, "Gamble will continue to be a game" (Mountyrac et al., 2017). These messages, which implicitly emphasize that gambling is a "game," resembles the word "gaming" that the gambling industry likes to use instead of "gambling" (Reith, 2008). Gambling emphasizes that it is a game, and therefore a safe gambling message that has the meaning of harmless play is definitely lo w-validity of the face. The additional word "fun" in Canada messages is not an isolated example of a safe gambling message. "If you don't have fun, stop," was the most common in British safe gambling messages from the start of 2015 to 2021. In the only independent evaluation of this message, which uses gambling behavior at the same time as a subordinate variable, if the word "fun" is written in font that is larger than other text, participation. The result that matched the frequency of gambling is slightly higher, which matches the small opposite effect (Newall et al., 2022). This shows that there are few gambling messages currently used internationally, which are based on healthy superficial validity or obviously positive effects.

Comparisons with Other Public Health Domains

Perhaps the most effective health messages to influence consumer behavior have been developed for tobacco. Prominent health warnings on tobacco packaging make consumers more likely to quit smoking (Hammond, 2011). For tobacco, prominence of warnings has been shown to be relevant, with the size of the warning being the most effective, especially graphic warnings about the consequences of smoking (Hammond, 2011; Noar et al.). However, evidence also suggests that daily smokers, who consume the most tobacco, may pay the least attention to tobacco warnings (Maynard et al., 2013; Munafò, Roberts, Bauld, & Leonards, 2011), suggesting that product warnings should only be part of a public health approach to reducing tobacco harms.

Alcohol containers must also carry health warnings in many jurisdictions, including warnings about drinking during pregnancy and while driving (Hilton, 1993). However, these warnings have been criticized for being inconspicuous (Hilton, 1993; Kersbergen & Field, 2017), the alcohol industry’s failure to promote effective warnings (Petticrew et al., 2016; Stockwell, Solomon, O’Brien, Vallance, & Hobin, 2020), and the weak impact current warnings have on consumers (Hilton, 1993). Cancer health warnings have also been experimentally investigated for alcohol (Pettigrew et al.). Of the various text-based cancer health warnings tested, “Alcohol increases the risk of bowel cancer” was found to be the most effective in one study, with participants rating it as the most believable, persuasive, and personally relevant message (Pettigrew et al.). Graphic warnings about the health risks of alcohol have also been attempted to mimic graphic warnings currently used for tobacco. For example, one experiment tested a cigarette-like warning stating, "Alcohol causes deadly liver cancer," supplemented with a picture of a diseased liver (Wigg & Stafford, 2016). The addition of this picture of a diseased liver was associated with higher levels of fear elicitation and intentions to reduce and quit alcohol consumption compared to a text-only warning, replicating the cigarette results (Hammond, 2011).

Although alcohol messages are generally considered helpful, researchers have demonstrated that alcohol messages can backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Moss et al.). For example, in one experiment, adding a warning about alcohol in the United States to a mock advertisement led to stronger perceptions of the benefits of drinking alcohol (Snyder & Blood, 1992). As another example, when a container is labeled as "low alcohol," a "licensing effect" can occur that encourages higher levels of consumption. Such labeling may encourage consumers to drink more alcohol, increasing pure ethanol consumption overall (Shemilt et al.). On the other hand, standard beverage information informing consumers of the alcohol content of a particular container may help teenage heavy drinkers find the most cost-effective beverage to get intoxicated, thereby helping them consume as much alcohol as possible (Wells et al.). Although alcohol messages are generally considered useful, researchers have described how they can backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Moss et al.). For example, in one experiment, adding a warning about alcohol in the United States to a mock advertisement led to stronger perceptions of the benefits of drinking alcohol (Snyder & amp; Blood, 1992). As another example, if a container is labeled as "low alcohol," a "licensing effect" may occur that encourages higher levels of consumption. Such labeling may encourage consumers to drink more alcohol, increasing pure ethanol consumption overall (Shemilt et al.). On the other hand, standard beverage information informing consumers of the alcohol content of a particular container may help teenage heavy drinkers find the most cost-effective beverage to get intoxicated, thereby helping them consume as much alcohol as possible (Wells et al.). Although alcohol messages are generally considered useful, researchers have described how they can backfire and have the opposite effect to that intended (Moss et al.). For example, in one experiment, adding a warning about alcohol in the United States to a mock advertisement led to stronger perceptions of the benefits of drinking alcohol (Snyder & amp; Blood, 1992). As another example, if a container is labeled as "low alcohol," a "licensing effect" may occur that encourages higher levels of consumption. Such labeling may encourage consumers to drink more and increase pure ethanol consumption overall (Shemilt et al.). On the other hand, standard beverage information informing consumers of the alcohol content of a particular container may help teen binge drinkers find the most cost-effective beverage to get intoxicated, thereby helping them consume as much alcohol as possible (Wells et al.).

Evidence on warnings related to gambling is significantly lacking in evidence on alcohol and tobacco warning labels. This may be because the powerful evidence of the proximity causal mechanism of excessive consumption and relevant harm is deficient in comparison with other symptoms. The impact of cigarettes on the health of cigarettes has been proven by several decades of epidemiology, and alcohol is also in the top five of the risk of the world's illness and disability (Hobin et al.) The impact is intuitive, so it is easy to create a graphic tobacco warning with an impact, and a similar discussion of graphic alcohol warning is possible (Wigg & Amp; Stafford, 2016). In short, substanc e-based behavioral disorders offer a simpler pipe cause task for researchers, and provide a foundation for a clearer warning to consumers about what is consistent use. do. In comparison, the strict empirical evidence related to gambling has just begun to appear in recent years (Browne et al.) Human physiological risks due to alcohol and tobacco are relatively constant among individuals. On the other hand, the threshold of harmful gambling strength greatly depends on the time and economic resources of the person. Furthermore, gamblin g-related harm is not as fresh as tobacco or alcohol. evidence on warnings related to gambling is significantly lacking in evidence on alcohol and tobacco warning labels. This may be because the powerful evidence of the proximity causal mechanism of excessive consumption and relevant harm is deficient in comparison with other symptoms. The impact of cigarettes on the health of cigarettes has been proven by several decades of epidemiology, and alcohol is also in the top five of the risk of the world's illness and disability (Hobin et al.) The impact is intuitive, so it is easy to create a graphic tobacco warning with an impact, and a similar discussion of graphic alcohol warning is possible (Wigg & Amp; Stafford, 2016). In short, substanc e-based behavioral disorders offer a simpler pipe cause task for researchers, and provide a foundation for a clearer warning to consumers about what is consistent use. do. In comparison, the strict empirical evidence related to gambling has just begun to appear in recent years (Browne et al.) Human physiological risks due to alcohol and tobacco are relatively constant among individuals. On the other hand, the threshold of harmful gambling strength greatly depends on the time and economic resources of the person. Furthermore, gamblin g-related harm is not as fresh as tobacco or alcohol. Evidence on warnings related to gambling is significantly lacking in evidence on alcohol and tobacco warning labels. This may be because the powerful evidence of the proximity causal mechanism of excessive consumption and relevant harm is deficient in comparison with other symptoms. The impact of cigarettes on the health of cigarettes has been proven by several decades of epidemiology, and alcohol is also in the top five of the risk of the world's illness and disability (Hobin et al.) The impact is intuitive, so it is easy to create a graphic tobacco warning with an impact, and a similar discussion of graphic alcohol warning is possible (Wigg & Amp; Stafford, 2016). In short, substanc e-based behavioral disorders offer a simpler pipe cause task for researchers, and provide a foundation for a clearer warning to consumers about what is consistent use. do. In comparison, the strict empirical evidence related to gambling has just begun to appear in recent years (Browne et al.) Human physiological risks due to alcohol and tobacco are relatively constant among individuals. On the other hand, the threshold of harmful gambling strength greatly depends on the time and economic resources of the person. Furthermore, gamblin g-related harm is not as fresh as tobacco or alcohol.

Gamblin g-related harm has indirect properties, so create a more secure gambling message that gambling dependents, such as cigarettes and alcohol health warnings, are believed and personal. It may be difficult. One of the proposals for text messages that warns the potential effects of gamblin g-related harm is "Gambling is" physical and mental health problems, separate residence, divorce, financial difficulties and bankruptcy, violence and violence from intimate partners. It is associated with serious harm such as increased fraud risks. "(Livingstone et al., 2019, p. 10). However, such a warning can be ignored by many gamblers who have not experienced such impacts (Browne & Amp; Rockloff, 2018), and sufficiently powerful intervention in the experienced gamblers. It may not be (Delfabbro & amp; king, 2020).

Tobacco and alcohol messages can also affect the actions due to emotional effects. The experimental test of the alcohol's graphic warning causes a rise in fear levels (Wigg & Amp; Stafford, 2016). According to a recent meta analysis obtained from the tobacco literature, effective graphic warnings have suggested that they use a channel of fear and negative emotions (NOAR et al., 2020), and this view has recently been made. It is also supported by research (Sillero-Rejon et al., 2020). Also, in the literature on more wider behavioral changes, such negative emotions and fears have the strongest effect when maintaining the perception that they have a sense of sel f-efficacy, that is, the ability to transform humans. It is suggested to do (Witte & Amp; Allen, 2000). In contrast, messages can also try to utilize the power of positive emotions such as hope and humor. In cigarettes, smoking cessation campaign ads using humor were evaluated as less effective by smokers, no n-smokers, and smokers who are planning to quit smoking, rather than advertising that brings out sadness and fear (Biener et al.). However, in research on alcohol messaging, campaigns targeting positive emotions such as happiness and love are more likely to support the intentions of reducing alcohol consumption than a campaign targeting negative emotions. Suggested (Previte, Russell-Bennett, & Amp; Parkinson, 2015).

Potential Safer Gambling Message Themes

Teaching Safer Gambling Practices

Such different effects of emotional messages in cigarettes and alcohol complicate the possibility of using emotional and safer gambling messages. The adverse effects of gambling can be considered a lot (LANGHAM et al., 2016; Muggleton, etc., 2021), and the message using these may be effective (Mutti-Packer and others, 2022). However, gambling is related to a lo w-level helping king (SUURVALI et al. 2008) and is recognized (Hing & Amp; Russell, 2017; HORCH & AMP; 2008) and shame (2008) and shame (2008). Yi & amp; Kanetkar, 2011) increases. Thus, gambling messages of negative emotions may lead to avoidance and may not be able to impact on positive behavior. This view suggests that gambling messages of positive emotions may be more effective.

One of the logical inputs of a more secure gambling message is to provide information on the most strongly correlated behavior with harmless gambling. Some previous studies investigate more safer gambling compassions that have been emphasized in past gambling research and online gambling information (Hing et al., 2019). A total of 51 safe gambling was found. Next, using these 51 safe gambling practices, we predicted the actual level of gamblin g-related harm in the 577 gambler samples, which are prone to harm. By this procedure, "there is a dedicated budget for gambling", "do not gamble when you are depressed or upset", "always prepare a certain amount when gambling", etc. Nine safe gambling practices that predict the low level of harm associated with gambling were derived. Such different effects of emotional messages in cigarettes and alcohol complicate the possibility of using emotional and safer gambling messages. The adverse effects of gambling can be considered a lot (LANGHAM et al., 2016; Muggleton, etc., 2021), and the message using these may be effective (Mutti-Packer and others, 2022). However, gambling is related to a lo w-level helping king (SUURVALI et al. 2008) and is recognized (Hing & Amp; Russell, 2017; HORCH & AMP; 2008) and shame (2008) and shame (2008). Yi & amp; Kanetkar, 2011) increases. Thus, gambling messages of negative emotions may lead to avoidance and may not be able to impact on positive behavior. This view suggests that gambling messages of positive emotions may be more effective.

One of the logical inputs of a more secure gambling message is to provide information on the most strongly correlated behavior with harmless gambling. Some previous studies investigate more safer gambling compassions that have been emphasized in past gambling research and online gambling information (Hing et al., 2019). A total of 51 safe gambling was found. Next, using these 51 safe gambling practices, we predicted the actual level of gamblin g-related harm in the 577 gambler samples, which are prone to harm. By this procedure, "there is a dedicated budget for gambling", "do not gamble when you are depressed or upset", "always prepare a certain amount when gambling", etc. Nine safe gambling practices that predict the low level of harm associated with gambling were derived. Such different effects of emotional messages in cigarettes and alcohol complicate the possibility of using emotional and safer gambling messages. The adverse effects of gambling can be considered a lot (LANGHAM et al., 2016; Muggleton, etc., 2021), and the message using these may be effective (Mutti-Packer and others, 2022). However, gambling is related to a lo w-level helping king (SUURVALI et al. 2008) and is recognized (Hing & Amp; Russell, 2017; HORCH & AMP; 2008) and shame (2008) and shame (2008). Yi & amp; Kanetkar, 2011) increases. Thus, gambling messages of negative emotions may lead to avoidance and may not be able to impact on positive behavior. This view suggests that gambling messages of positive emotions may be more effective.

Correcting Gambling Misperceptions

Therefore, these candidate items may be valid as candidates for safer gambling messages. However, their actual effectiveness as part of a safer gambling message is not guaranteed. The procedure for selecting candidates for safer gambling messages may miss effective problem gambling measures. Safe gambling practices endorsed by gamblers with low levels of harm may simply be a correlate of harm and may not be an effective strategy to teach gamblers if there is no causal relationship to reducing gambling-related harm. Furthermore, the effectiveness of safer gambling practices depends not only on the gambler but also on the gambler's decision-making environment. For example, having a dedicated budget to spend on gambling may only be effective in environments where gamblers have access to binding pre-commitment options. Being able to avoid gambling when feeling depressed or upset may only be possible in environments with low levels of gambling marketing. Exposure to marketing cues may lead some gamblers to bet even when they intend not to.

More recent studies have addressed some of these limitations through randomized controlled trials (Hing et al., 2022). The study demonstrated that when frequent EGM users were encouraged to practice safer gambling practices, and they were followed, EGM use and gambling harm decreased. The practices were setting a fixed amount to spend, taking regular breaks, keeping leisure time busy with other activities, not gambling when bored, and keeping a household budget. However, the authors noted that these strategies are most likely to be helpful for low- or medium-risk gamblers. For severe gambling problems, more intensive strategies, including professional help, will be needed to prevent gambling problems and resolve gambling problems.

MOORE, THOMAS, KYRIOS and BATES (2012), as well, investigated 27 sel f-management technologies that are often used by gambling addiction. By exploring factor analysis, cognitive approaches (eg, the results are considered), direct actions (eg, the help of help), social experience (eg, do not gamble alone), avoid (eg, avoid casinos), Five factors in the limit setting have been found. It is a useful material for messaging as long as these practices are related to gamblin g-related harm as long as they are logically or verified.

Orthodontic thinking message was born from an observation that gambling, a gamblin g-addicted patient, tends to have many wrong beliefs about luck and random coincidence (RayLu & Amp; OEI, 2004; Walker, Walker, Walker. 1992). The viewpoint of cognition is useful for effective clinical psychological treatments for gambling addictive patients (LadouceUR et al., 2001; Petry et al., 2006). The viewpoint of cognition is also reflected in the design of a modified thinking message aimed at modifying the incorrect thinking of a gambler in gambling and correcting actions. The modified thinking message has been mainly applied to EGM, and contains content such as "any strategy cannot win more frequently" (Cloutier et al., 2006). Like a tobacco literature, research on revised thinking messages emphasizes the importance of having a remarkable message. In the case of EGM, the message is displayed in the center of the display, it occurs during the interruption of the play, and it requires a positive relationship to resume play (Ginley et al.).

Boosting Conscious Decision Making

One of the problems of orthodontic thinking messages is that there are multiple wrong thoughts that gamblers can have. Therefore, the successful correction message must be accepted by the gambler, which will be accepted by the gambler, and will lead to subsequent changes in behavior. This problem can be indicated by the number of gambling misconception sel f-reported items, and according to a review, the number of individual scoring items is 10 to 56 (Leonard et al., 2015). However, among the frequent gambling recognition, many gamblers have the motivation to "want to win money" (Gambling Commission, 2018), and the system and strategy will help the gamblers achieve this purpose. (Raylu & amp; OEI, 2004; Walker, 1992).

The further problem when trying to correct such a potential misunderstanding is that the form of gambling differs in the balance between skills and luck. Betting sports and horse racing may require the highest skill in gambling, and in order to succeed as a sports better, more skills are more successful as a manager of investment trusts. It is needed (Getty et al., 2018). Messages that neglect the possibility of sportsbetters in the long term may be negatively received by some viewers. This means that many of the modified thinking messages applied to EGM may be inappropriate for these racing and sports betting (Cloutier et al.) In a broader sense of gambling. The research base on it is emphasized that most of them are built in a lucky form based on luck like EGM (Russell et al., 2019). In other words, if you translate the literature on gambling misunderstanding into sports or race gambling, you need to be careful.

In addition, researchers emphasize that orthodontic thinking messages are effective in changing gamblers, but in the EGM area, it is not very effective to improve the behavior of gamblers (monaghan & amp). ; Blaszczynski, 2009). Recent larg e-scale positive research analyzed gambling erroneous recognition, gambling involvement, and time elapsed by gambling (Leonard et al., 2021). The important thing is that the research has shown that gambling misunderstandings are not the main factors of gambling addiction, although they are combined with gambling addiction. This study concludes that modifying gambling misunderstandings should not be the purpose of gambling treatment. Therefore, it is appropriate to think that the main contents of the message for more secure gambling are not gambling. The further problem of trying to correct such a potential misunderstanding is that the form of gambling differs in the balance between skills and luck. Betting sports and horse racing may require the highest skill in gambling, and in order to succeed as a sports better, more skills are more successful as a manager of investment trusts. It is needed (Getty et al., 2018). Messages that neglect the possibility of sportsbetters in the long term may be negatively received by some viewers. This means that many of the modified thinking messages applied to EGM may be inappropriate for these racing and sports betting (Cloutier et al.) In a broader sense of gambling. The research base on it is emphasized that most of them are built in a lucky form based on luck like EGM (Russell et al., 2019). In other words, if you translate the literature on gambling misunderstanding into sports or race gambling, you need to be careful.
In addition, researchers emphasize that orthodontic thinking messages are effective in changing gamblers, but in the EGM area, it is not very effective to improve the behavior of gamblers (monaghan & amp). ; Blaszczynski, 2009). Recent larg e-scale positive research analyzed gambling erroneous recognition, gambling involvement, and time elapsed by gambling (Leonard et al., 2021). The important thing is that the research has shown that gambling misunderstandings are not the main factors of gambling addiction, although they are combined with gambling addiction. This study concludes that modifying gambling misunderstandings should not be the purpose of gambling treatment. Therefore, it is appropriate to think that the main contents of the message for more secure gambling are not gambling. The further problem when trying to correct such a potential misunderstanding is that the form of gambling differs in the balance between skills and luck. Betting sports and horse racing may require the highest skill in gambling, and in order to succeed as a sports better, more skills are more successful as a manager of investment trusts. It is needed (Getty et al., 2018). Messages that neglect the possibility of sportsbetters in the long term may be negatively received by some viewers. This means that many of the modified thinking messages applied to EGM may be inappropriate for these racing and sports betting (Cloutier et al.) In a broader sense of gambling. The research base on it is emphasized that most of them are built in a lucky form based on luck like EGM (Russell et al., 2019). In other words, if you translate the literature on gambling misunderstanding into sports or race gambling, you need to be careful.
In addition, researchers emphasize that orthodontic thinking messages are effective in changing gamblers, but in the EGM area, it is not very effective to improve the behavior of gamblers (monaghan & amp). ; Blaszczynski, 2009). Recent larg e-scale positive research analyzed gambling erroneous recognition, gambling involvement, and time elapsed by gambling (Leonard et al., 2021). The important thing is that the research has shown that gambling misunderstandings are not the main factors of gambling addiction, although they are combined with gambling addiction. This study concludes that modifying gambling misunderstandings should not be the purpose of gambling treatment. Therefore, it is appropriate to think that the main contents of the message for more secure gambling are not gambling.

Given the possible limited effectiveness of correcting gamblers' misperceptions (Monaghan & Blaszczynski, 2009), other related approaches should be considered. One recent proposal seeks to increase gamblers' level of conscious decision-making by encouraging analytical thinking (Armstrong et al.). This proposal was tested in an experimental 4-week intervention (N = 94) that investigated the effect of providing gamblers with feedback on their answers to a total of 50 gambling fallacy questions. Each question had a normatively correct answer based on statistical logic. The intervention provided treatment participants with the correct answers and the statistical logic underlying the answers. "Tracy likes to bet on the winner of local soccer matches. All three of her previous picks have been wins. In the next match, the two teams are evenly matched. All other things being equal, what is the probability that the player she picks in the next match will win the match?

a. 50%.

Norm-Based Messages

b. More than 50%.

c. Less than 50%

Feedback Tracy may be knowledgeable about soccer, but this time the teams are evenly matched, so it doesn't matter whether Tracy knows soccer or not. Since each gamble is independent of the previous one, in her next gamble, the probability of picking a winner from two otherwise equal opponents remains 50/50." (Armstrong et al., 2020, pp. 781-782).

In the control condition, participants simply answered the gambling trivia questions and received no feedback at all. Analysis of the intervention suggested that treatment participants showed significantly improved scores on the predictive control subscale of the Gambling-Related Cognitions Scale (Raylu & Oei, 2004) compared to control participants. Not surprisingly, safer gambling messages could be created based on this example item, informing gamblers that a "lucky streak" does not increase their chances of winning on their next bet. However, although the study showed an impact on beliefs, it failed to provide convincing evidence that this change in beliefs translated into behavioral change (Armstrong et al., 2020).

Social psychology has repeatedly shown that the actions of others have a strong influence on our behavior. For example, a classic example of how this motivation can backfire is the discovery that about 8% of visitors to a national park stole petrified wood chips from a national forest when they were given a sign that read, "Many past visitors have removed petrified wood from the park, altering the condition of the petrified forest," compared with less than 2% when they were given a sign that read, "Please do not remove petrified wood chips" (Cialdini et al.). This is because the initial sign normalized the undesirable behavior. Thus, the effect of the individual's behavior was diluted by the perception of the crowd's behavior.

Other studies have investigated relevant social messages in field studies conducted in collaboration with online gambling operators. In one study, gamblers were told: "You have played for more than X hours in the past Y days. Most customers do not play for more than Z hours during that time" (Behavioural Insights Team, 2018, p. 67). This can be considered a norm-based intervention that has been found to be effective in changing other aspects of consumer behavior in the Behavioural Insights Team's field studies (Behavioural Insights Team, 2012). This message was added to emails sent by online operators to real betting account holders. However, norm-based messages regarding time spent gambling were not effective in increasing participants' use of safe gambling tools (Behavioural Insights Team, 2018). Another study using data collected from online operators investigated the effect of social messages highlighting the popularity of deposit limiting tools. Although this message led more gamblers to set a deposit limit, it was less effective than a control message that simply informed them of the existence of a deposit limit setting tool (Heirene & Gainsbury, 2021). Another study, conducted independently of the gambling industry, tested a message for setting a betting limit (Hing et al.). The message was delivered to a disc

However, another trial, initiated through an online operator, had better results. The intervention consisted of delivering a message to gamblers who had played 1, 000 spins on an online slot product. Control participants were simply told that they had played 1, 000 spins, while treatment participants were additionally told:

"Very few people play more than 1, 000 slot games. Longer sessions do not increase your odds of winning. Taking breaks is often helpful, and you can choose the length of your breaks" (Auer & amp; Griffiths, 2015, p. 3) (Auer & amp; Griffiths, 2015, p. 3).

As a result, this message doubled the proportion of people who stopped gambling from 0. 7% to 1. 4%, significantly exceeding the sample size of 1. 6 million sessions. The normative element of this message is the first sentence, that very few people play more than 1, 000 slot games. However, the message also contains other information, such as information that may correct misconceptions about gambling ("Your odds of winning do not increase with the length of your session") and information about safer ways of gambling ("Taking breaks is often helpful, and you can choose the length of your breaks"). Moreover, although the results were statistically significant, the absolute percentage of people who stopped gambling was still small (1. 4%).

Emotional Messages

The results of one study showed that personalized feedback on how at-risk gamblers' spending compared to their peers' led to a significant reduction in gambling frequency (Larimer et al., 2012). A meta-analysis on the effect of providing personalized feedback on how gamblers' behavior differs from that of their peers also showed a significant effect (Peter et al., 2019). However, these interventions are heterogeneous and each may contain multiple elements, which creates confounding issues. As it pertains to safer gambling messages, there is necessarily no element of personalization in population-based messaging approaches. Thus, norm-based safer gambling messages can only provide information about the population average and must rely on individuals knowing their own situation well enough to make accurate comparisons with the average.

One of the solutions to this problem that cannot provide a personalized comparison is to provide the number of extremely extreme mother groups. Therefore, it can be presumed that this extreme number applies to most gamblers that receive messages. For example, the highest executive officer of a major gambling company based in the UK provided the following information at the Special Committee of the Aristocracy: "99%of customers who play on our site will lose, so more play. If you do, you will lose more. "(Alexander, 2020). (Alexander, 2020). It is highly likely that more than 1 % of gamblers are in 1 % of the gamblers that are not defeated, but the extreme mother group still appears to be related to many gamblers. It should be. Similarly, you can also show the population numbers related to gambling expenditures. This can be a large amount of money when provided at the total level, and it looks like most gamblers. The current numbers are $ 24. 8 billion per year (Wallace, 2021).

Conclusion

Another approach may be to use information based on surprising norms for many recipients. For example, a problem gambler has been found to harm the average of six close families and friends (goodwin et al., 2017). Similarly, the populatio n-based illness survey shows that the basic rate of gambling addiction is about 1%(Collins et al., 2020), and many gambling addiction patients have gambling. You may think that the basic rate of relevant harm is appropriate. However, according to recent estimates, this percentage may be higher, and one in five gamblers (Rockloff et al., 2020) may be about 10%of the total population.

Data Availability

The advantage of using one of the extreme information or surprising norms is that these messages can be reduced to backfire. In the study mentioned above, I would like to recall that a message that implies that unwanted behavior is common, which has led to an increase in behavior (Cialdini et al., 2006). In a normary message, for example, gamblin g-addicted patients may find that their spending is lower than the average of the group, and they may feel better. However, the message proposed in the previous two paragraphs should reduce the possibility of such countermeasures.

References

Previous studies have explored the effects of safer gambling messages that leverage negative emotions. One study (Muñoz et al., 2010) compared a highly threatening message, “Excessive gambling may drive you to intense distress and suicidal thoughts,” to a control condition, “Gambling should remain a game,” that mimicked some of the safer gambling messages currently in use (Mouneyrac et al., 2017). The study found that the message induced fear and made gamblers think more deeply about their behavior (Muñoz et al., 2010). A subsequent study investigated the effects of adding a graphic warning label, also intended to provoke fear, to the fear-inducing text (Muñoz et al.). The graphic used was a cartoon of a gambler being eaten by an EGM, quite different from the graphic warnings used for tobacco (Noar et al., 2020) and attempted for alcohol use (Wigg & Stafford, 2016). The findings of this study support previous gambling research, suggesting that adding graphics to fear-inducing text further heightens feelings of fear and increases the extent to which gamblers think about their behavior (Munoz et al.). However, one qualitative study found that many gamblers believe that overly fear-inducing stimuli may be experienced as stigma-inducing and therefore ineffective due to avoidance (De Vos et al.). This is a plausible alternative explanation, at least for some groups, and supports the findings of previous research. In contrast, there appears to be no empirical research on the role of safer gambling messages that induce positive emotions. One recent opinion piece suggested that gambling researchers should address this, given that positive emotional messages have had some success in other public health areas (Harris et al.). In particular, one proposed message was, "Save the rest of your money for a family vacation next month" (Harris et al.). Previous research has investigated the effectiveness of safer gambling messages that leverage negative emotions. One study (Muñoz et al., 2010) compared a highly threatening message, “Excessive gambling may drive you to intense distress and suicidal thoughts,” to a control condition, “Gambling should remain a game,” which mimicked some of the safe gambling messages currently in use (Mouneyrac et al., 2017). The study found that the message induced fear and caused gamblers to think more deeply about their behavior (Muñoz et al., 2010). A subsequent study investigated the effect of adding a graphic warning label, also intended to provoke fear, to the fear-inducing text (Muñoz et al.). The graphic used was a cartoon of a gambler being eaten by an EGM, quite different from the graphic warnings used for tobacco (Noar et al., 2020) and trialed for alcohol use (Wigg & Stafford, 2016). The findings of this study support previous gambling research, suggesting that adding graphics to fear-inducing text further heightens feelings of fear and increases the extent to which gamblers think about their behavior (Munoz et al.). However, one qualitative study found that many gamblers believe that overly fear-inducing stimuli may be experienced as stigma-inducing and therefore ineffective due to avoidance (De Vos et al.). This is a plausible alternative explanation, at least for some groups, and supports previous research. In contrast, there appears to be no empirical research on the role of safer gambling messages that induce positive emotions. One recent opinion piece suggested that gambling researchers should address this, given that positive emotional messages have had some success in other public health domains (Harris et al.). In particular, one proposed message was, "Save the rest of your money for a family vacation next month" (Harris et al.). Previous research has investigated the effectiveness of safer gambling messages that leverage negative emotions. One study (Muñoz et al., 2010) compared a highly threatening message, “Excessive gambling may drive you to intense distress and suicidal thoughts,” to a control condition, “Gambling should remain a game,” which mimicked some of the safe gambling messages currently in use (Mouneyrac et al., 2017). The study found that the message induced fear and caused gamblers to think more deeply about their behavior (Muñoz et al., 2010). A subsequent study investigated the effect of adding a graphic warning label, also intended to provoke fear, to the fear-inducing text (Muñoz et al.). The graphic used was a cartoon of a gambler being eaten by an EGM, quite different from the graphic warnings used for tobacco (Noar et al., 2020) and trialed for alcohol use (Wigg & Stafford, 2016). The findings of this study support previous gambling research, suggesting that adding graphics to fear-inducing texts further heightens feelings of fear and increases the extent to which problem gamblers think about their behavior (Munoz et al.). However, one qualitative study found that many gamblers believe that overly fear-inducing stimuli may be experienced as stigma-inducing and therefore ineffective due to avoidance (De Vos et al.). This is a plausible alternative explanation, at least for some groups, and supports the findings of previous research. In contrast, there appears to be no empirical research on the role of positive emotion-inducing, safer gambling messages. One recent opinion piece suggested that gambling researchers should address this, given that positive emotional messages have had some success in other public health domains (Harris et al.). In particular, one proposed message was, "Save the rest of your money for a family vacation next month" (Harris et al.).
This review explored relevant lessons from alcohol, tobacco, and previous gambling research that can be applied to safer gambling messages in horse racing and sports betting. Lessons from previous research include avoiding overly simple messages that are repeated frequently, and the importance of testing messages to demonstrate that they do not lead to counterproductive effects across the population or within specific subgroups. Finally, the review identifies five potential message themes based on previous gambling research that are worth considering for designing safer gambling messages for race and sports betting: educating on safer gambling practices, correcting gambling misconceptions, supporting conscious decision making, norm-based messages, and emotional messages.
No datasets were created or analyzed in this study, so data sharing does not apply to this paper.
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Witte, K., & Amp; Allen, M. (2000). Metal analysis of fear appeal: suggestions for effective public health campaigns. Health Education & Amp; BEHAVIOR, 27 (5), 591-615. ArticleCasGoogle School
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Fund provision information: The funding of this research was provided by Gambling Research Australia, a federal government, state government, and a preliminary government to start and manage nationwide gambling research programs. The secretariat is in charge of hospitality and racing from the Ministry of Investment and Trading, New Southwales.
Bristol University Faculty of Psychology, 12a Priory Road, Bristol, BS8 1tu, UK Philip W. S. New All

Gambling Experiment Research Institute, School of Health, Medical and Applied Science, 400 Kent ST, Sydney, 2000, 2000 T. Russell

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This review first highlights research from the related public health domains of alcohol and tobacco. Then, five potential areas for further messaging based. (). Designing improved safer gambling messages for race and sports betting can be learned from other gambling formats and the broader public health. can be learned from previous gambling and public health literatures with respect to the design of improved marketing messages for race and sports betting.

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Designing Improved Safer Gambling Messages for Race and Sports Betting What can be Learned from

Designing Improved Safer Gambling Messages for Race and Sports Betting: What can be Learned from Other Gambling Formats and the Broader Public Health Literature?

Abstract

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Boosting Conscious Decision Making

Norm-Based Messages

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