Spain 40 years after General Franco change of a nation Elcano Royal Institute

Spain 40 years after General Franco: change of a nation

Since General Franco died 40 years ago, Spain has changed to be mistaken. Political, economic, and social modernization was achieved in a shorter time than any of Europe.

Summary

Considering the lon g-term recession that ended in 2014, the changes in all fields were enormous. King Juan Carlos was the driving force for reforms during the transition to democracy sealed in the 1978 constitution. The fourth largest economy in the Euro area, the country has been completely integrated into the global economy and many multinational companies have been born. The main black point is a very high unemployment rate. Since the Franco administration, the tw o-party system, which is in charge of the conservative parties and the Socialist Party (PSOE) alternately, has been stable to Spain, but now the righ t-wing righ t-wing Siudadadnos and the leftist Podemos are Podemos. We are receiving the challenge of the two new party. The basket terrorist group ETA, which killed 857 people in search of an independent nation, has been defeated by law, although it has not yet abandoned weapons. Currently the most heated is the movement to seek the independence of Catalonia.

Analysis

Background 1

Forty years ago (November 23), a granite board, which weighs more than one and a half and a half, sealed a protection body, which was the leading role of Spanish history for about half a century. General Franco was in the Guadalama Mountains near Madrid, as the general commander of the army, the head of the state, and the leaders of the government (until 1973), as suggested by coins as "the cavodilho by the blessings of God". It was buried in a huge mausoleum, partly built by political criminals, in the Vaje de Ross Caidus (the Valley of the Cash). On the other side of the altar is the burial of the Farangge founder, Jose Antonio Primo de Libera, a founder of Fangge based on the core of Franco's public party, known as the national movement, and is buried in the group. There are only a few (about 40, 000 people) of both sides (about 40, 000 people) in both sides in the civil war between 1936 and 39.

In 1969, under the guidance of King Juan Carlos, who was nominated as the successor to Franco when the dictator decided to revive the Bourbon, was sealed in the 1978 constitution. We negotiated the transition to democracy. Since

After this polarized past, consensus has become a very important password between the righ t-wing of the reform and no n-violent. This is symbolized by the Pacto de Olvido, literally, oblivion. None of the political parties were not interested in the role they played in the second republic and the civil war. The agreement was institutionalized by the 1977 Loin Method, and there was no true settlement committee like Chile.

Spain was a member of the European Economy Community (EEC) in 1986 and NATO in 1982 (ratified in the 1986 referendum), and in 1999 it became a Eur o-based founding member.

According to a 1975 survey, 75 % of respondents wanted freedom of news, 71 % of religious freedom (Roman Catholic was a state religion), and 58 % wanted the freedom of the union. In this country, the transformation machine was ripe. Laureaano Lopez Rod, who made a series of development plans in the late 1960s and began to move the economy from dictatorship to liberalization, said, "If the income per population exceeds $ 1, 000, we consider democracy. It will start, "rather, rather in prophecy. Four years before Franco died, in 1963, income per person exceeded $ 500, exceeding $ 1, 000 in 1971. The middle class was born.

An unprecedented period of modernisation

For the past 40 years, Spain has enjoyed the era of unprecedented prosperity and peace coexistence, taking into account the lon g-term recession in 2014. The change was enormous, and political, economic and social modernization was realized in a shorter time than in any country in Europe (see separate table).

Economic production increased almost 10 times between 1975 and 2015, reaching $ 1 trillion.
The per capita income has increased from $ 3, 000 to $ 30, 000 or more.
The proportion of agriculture in production has risen from 9 % to 2. 5 %, 39 % of industries, including construction industry, and 52 % to 74 % of service industries.
The employment of agriculture, which was 22 % in 1975, is now only 4 %, and the industry and construction industry decreased from 38 % to 14 %, accounting for 76 %.
Exports of goods and services accounted for 32 % of GDP, increasing more than tripled. Through such a polarized past, consensus was a very important password between the righ t-wing of the reform and no n-violent groups. This is symbolized by the Pacto de Olvido, literally, oblivion. None of the political parties were not interested in the role they played in the second republic and the civil war. The agreement was institutionalized by the 1977 Loin Method, and there was no true settlement committee like Chile.
Spain was a member of the European Economy Community (EEC) in 1986 and NATO in 1982 (ratified in the 1986 referendum), and in 1999 it became a Eur o-based founding member.
According to a 1975 survey, 75 % of respondents wanted freedom of news, 71 % of religious freedom (Roman Catholic was a state religion), and 58 % wanted the freedom of the union. In this country, the transformation machine was ripe. Laureaano Lopez Rod, who made a series of development plans in the late 1960s and began to move the economy from dictatorship to liberalization, said, "If the income per population exceeds $ 1, 000, we consider democracy. It will start, "rather, rather in prophecy. Four years before Franco died, in 1963, income per person exceeded $ 500, exceeding $ 1, 000 in 1971. The middle class was born.
For the past 40 years, Spain has enjoyed the era of unprecedented prosperity and peace coexistence, taking into account the lon g-term recession in 2014. The change was enormous, realizing political, economic and social modernization in a shorter time than any country in Europe (see separate table).
Economic production increased almost 10 times between 1975 and 2015, reaching $ 1 trillion.
The per capita income has increased from $ 3, 000 to $ 30, 000 or more.
The proportion of agriculture in production has risen from 9 % to 2. 5 %, 39 % of industries, including construction industry, and 52 % to 74 % of service industries.
The employment of agriculture, which was 22 % in 1975, is now only 4 %, and the industry and construction industry decreased from 38 % to 14 %, accounting for 76 %.
Exports of goods and services accounted for 32 % of GDP, increasing more than tripled. After this polarized past, consensus has become a very important password between the righ t-wing of the reform and no n-violent. This is symbolized by the "Porto de Olvido, literally, oblivion of oblivion). None of the political parties were not interested in the role they played in the second republic and the civil war. The agreement was institutionalized by the 1977 Loin Method, and there was no true settlement committee like Chile.

Spain was a member of the European Economy Community (EEC) in 1986 and NATO in 1982 (ratified in the 1986 referendum), and in 1999 it became a Eur o-based founding member.

According to a 1975 survey, 75 % of respondents wanted freedom of news, 71 % of religious freedom (Roman Catholic was a state religion), and 58 % wanted the freedom of the union. In this country, the transformation machine was ripe. Laureaano Lopez Rod, who made a series of development plans in the late 1960s and began to move the economy from dictatorship to liberalization, said, "If the income per population exceeds $ 1, 000, we consider democracy. It will start, "rather, rather in prophecy. Four years before Franco died, in 1963, income per citizen exceeded $ 500, exceeding $ 1, 000 in 1971. The middle class was born.

Economic production increased almost 10 times between 1975 and 2015, reaching $ 1 trillion.

The per capita income has increased from $ 3, 000 to $ 30, 000 or more.

Companies with leading positions in the global market

The proportion of agriculture in production has risen from 9 % to 2. 5 %, 39 % of industries, including construction industry, and 52 % to 74 % of service industries.

The employment of agriculture, which was 22 % in 1975, is now only 4 %, and the industry and the construction industry have decreased from 38 % to 14 %, accounting for 76 %.

Exports of goods and services accounted for 32 % of GDP, increasing more than tripled.

From economic miracle to crisis

Directly investment stocks in Spain rose to $ 722 billion in 2014 in 2014 in 1980.

External direct investment stock has surged to $ 1. 9 billion to $ 674 billion, and a famous multinational company was born.

The number of tourists has increased from 27 million to an estimated 68 million this year.

The number of cars per 1, 000 population was 123 in 1975, but now more than 500 units.

The population increased by 10. 4 million, to 46. 4 million, mostly due to the inflow of immigrants for more than 10 years. Spain has accepted more immigrants than in any EU for ten years before the crisis from 2008 to 2013.

The average life expectancy between men and women was 73. 3 in 1975, but now 82 years old. The average life expectancy of a Spanish woman is 85 years old, almost the longest in the world.

In 1975, nearly 30 % of the population was under 15, but now 15 %. The population aged 65 or older has increased from 10 % to 18 % or more.

The average number of children per woman has been reduced to 1. 3, which is the world's lowest birth rate.

From crisis to recovery

Spain has also become one of the world's most social advanced countries, and has become far from the rigorous morality of the Franco administration and the strictness of the powerful Roman Catholic Church. In 2005, Spain legalized the sam e-sex couple's marriage. At that time, only the three countries in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Canada were legalized for sam e-sex couples. In the same year, speed divorce was introduced, and there was no need to separate for one year before taking legal procedures, and it was no longer needed to be responsible for marriage collapse. Divorce was legalized in 1981, and before that, marriage was solved only by marriage invalidation.

In this country, which respects the exaggerated male values, the status of women in society has improved considerably in English. For example, during the Franco administration era, a married woman could not apply for a passport or sign a contract without her husband's permission. domestic direct investment stock to Spain rose to $ 722 billion in 2014 in 2014 to $ 722 billion in 2014.

External direct investment stock has surged to $ 1. 9 billion to $ 674 billion, and a famous multinational company was born.

Breaking the mould of post-Franco politics

The number of tourists has increased from 27 million to an estimated 68 million this year.

The number of cars per 1, 000 population was 123 in 1975, but now more than 500 units.

The population increased by 10. 4 million, to 46. 4 million, mostly due to the inflow of immigrants for more than 10 years. For ten years before the crisis from 2008 to 2013, Spain accepted more immigrants than any of the EU.

The average life expectancy between men and women was 73. 3 in 1975, but now 82 years old. The average life expectancy of a Spanish woman is 85 years old, almost the longest in the world.

In 1975, nearly 30 % of the population was under 15, but now 15 %. The population aged 65 or older has increased from 10 % to 18 % or more.

The average number of children per woman has been reduced to 1. 3, which is the world's lowest birth rate.

In this country, which respects the exaggerated male values, the status of women in society has improved considerably in English. For example, during the Franco administration era, a married woman could not apply for a passport or sign a contract without her husband's permission. Directly investment stocks in Spain rose from $ 5. 1 billion in 1980 to $ 722 billion in 2014.

The challenges ahead

External direct investment stock has surged to $ 1. 9 billion to $ 674 billion, and a famous multinational company was born.

The number of tourists has increased from 27 million to an estimated 68 million this year.

The number of cars per 1, 000 population was 123 in 1975, but now more than 500 units.

The average life expectancy between men and women was 73. 3 in 1975, but now 82 years old. The average life expectancy of a Spanish woman is 85 years old, almost the longest in the world.

In 1975, nearly 30 % of the population was under 15, but now 15 %. The population aged 65 or older has increased from 10 % to 18 % or more.

The average number of children per woman has been reduced to 1. 3, which is the world's lowest birth rate.

Spain has also become one of the world's most social advanced countries, and has become far from the rigorous morality of the Franco administration and the strictness of the powerful Roman Catholic Church. In 2005, Spain legalized the sam e-sex couple's marriage. At that time, only three countries in the Netherlands, Belgium and Canada were legalized for the marriage of sam e-sex couples. In the same year, speed divorce was introduced, and there was no need to separate for one year before taking legal procedures, and it was no longer needed to be responsible for marriage collapse. Divorce was legalized in 1981, and before that, marriage was solved only by marriage invalidation.

Appendix

In this country, where the respect of the exaggerated male values is English, the status of women in society has improved considerably. For example, during the Franco administration era, a married woman could not apply for a passport or sign a contract without her husband's permission.

The ratio of women, which accounted for 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing.

In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons.

The low level at the end of the Franco administration was artificial because the economy was protected by the cold air of competition, and the situation could not be maintained for a long time.

R Franco ams to revolutonse the Spansh market

At the time of 1975, the name of the Spanish, which was known outside Spain, had little, except for representative airlines, Iberian Airlines and Real Madrid, a soccer club. In fact, Spanish companies have hardly expanded outside Spain. Today, there are at least 20 companies that account for important positions in the world economy. Santandale is the largest market capitalization in the euro and is the leader in the Latin American. Iberdora is the world's largest wind power company, the ZARA brand is the world's largest fashion retailer in the world, and ACS/HOCHTIEF is a top company in the development and management of transportation infrastructure.

Spain has produced the largest global multinational businesses, along with South Korea and Taiwan, among countries where the industrial base had not yet been established in the 1960s. Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1). The ratio of women in the working population, which was 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. At the time of 1975, the name of the Spanish, which was known outside Spain, had little, except for representative airlines, Iberian Airlines and Real Madrid, a soccer club. In fact, Spanish companies have hardly expanded outside Spain. Today, there are at least 20 companies that account for important positions in the world economy. Santandale is the largest market capitalization in the euro and is the leader in the Latin American. Iberdora is the world's largest wind power company, the ZARA brand is the world's largest fashion retailer in the world, and ACS/HOCHTIEF is a top company developing and managing transportation infrastructure. Spain has produced the largest global multinational businesses, along with South Korea and Taiwan, among countries where the industrial base had not yet been established in the 1960s. Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1). The ratio of women, which accounted for 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. The low level of the late Franco administration was artificial because the economy was protected from the cold air of competition, and the situation could not be maintained for a long time.

Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1). The ratio of women, which accounted for 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing.

Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1).
Spain's rapid economic growth was so real that it came to an end in 2008. This period, which Spaniards call "las vacas gordas" (the fat cows), lasted for more than a decade and was fueled primarily by a labor-intensive, debt-fueled, bloated construction and real estate sector. In 2006, the country saw more housing starts than Germany, France, and the United Kingdom combined, with 865, 000 new homes. This frenzy of construction was only made possible by an influx of immigrants (3. 6 million between 2000 and 2007), creating an unbalanced economy. The housing stock increased by 5. 7 million units during the boom, almost 30% of the existing stock. The impact on employment was also dramatic, with 8 million jobs created between 1995 and 2007. The economy was doing so well that José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, the Socialist prime minister from 2004 to 2011, declared in September 2007, using a soccer analogy, that “Spain has joined the Champions League.” That same year, he also called Spain’s economic model “an international model of solvency and efficiency.” In fact, Spain’s boom was a false bonanza built on unsustainable foundations.

Almost as fast as jobs were created during the boom, they were lost. Unemployment more than tripled, peaking at 27% in 2013. With significantly lower firing costs, temporary contract workers in the construction sector were the first to lose their jobs, especially men, many of whom had left school at 16. Nowhere was this more evident than in Villacañas, which became Spain’s door-manufacturing center. At the height of the boom, this town of 10, 000 people had 10 door-making factories employing 6, 000 people and producing 11 million doors a year. Few stayed in school. One bright young man saw the writing on the wall and left work in one of the factories to complete his education. He was accepted by the London School of Economics and got a job at the Bank of Spain. The early school dropout rate peaked at 31% in 2009, more than double the EU average. It fell to 22% last year, but is still very high. These unqualified workers form a "lost generation".

The uniform monetary policy of the European Central Bank has a asymmetric effect. This policy was too loose for Spain and led the real interest rate to negative. It distorted the rational behavior of the economic subject, promoted excessive debt and imbalance (in 2007, the financial deficit reached nearly 10 % of the GDP), and a significant decline in competitiveness. Spain was temporarily on e-quarter of the total of the Euro loans, accounting for about on e-quarter of the 500 euro banknotes distributed in 12 Euro countries at the time.
In particular, savings banks were hit greatly due to the collapse of unpaid mortgages and real estate developers for those who lost their jobs. Some banks were rescued by the EU.

Political factors are also greatly related to the Spanish crisis, especially the main institutions (judiciary, regulatory institutions, and auditors), which are mainly colonized (along with savings banks), mainly by the public and Socialist Party PSOE. (Etc.), and as a result, they could not fulfill their accountability. In the process, these institutions lost their credibility, lost legitimacy, and the politicians were recognized as exploitation elites. Effective chec k-an d-balance systems would have reduced the scale of the lord and eventually alleviated the crisis. Corruption flourished, especially due to the contact between politicians and the construction department. However, Spain did not sink to the level of Italy (Berli n-based Transparency International, 69th in 175 countries and 37th in Spain). Even the monarch system was polluted. Princess Christina, the sister of King Felipe, was charged with a fou r-year investigation in a fou r-year investigation of money laundering, fraud, and embezzlement through the no n-profit foundation established by her husband, Inyaki Urdangaline. The two will be trial in January. The uniform monetary policy of the European Central Bank has a asymmetric effect. This policy was too loose for Spain and led the real interest rate to negative. It distorted the rational behavior of the economic subject, promoted excessive debt and imbalance (in 2007, the financial deficit reached nearly 10 % of the GDP), and a significant decline in competitiveness. Spain was temporarily on e-quarter of the total of the Euro loans, accounting for about on e-quarter of the 500 euro banknotes distributed in 12 Euro countries at the time. In particular, savings banks were hit greatly due to the collapse of unpaid mortgages and real estate developers for those who lost their jobs. Some banks were rescued by the EU. Political factors are also greatly related to the Spanish crisis, especially the main institutions (judiciary, regulatory institutions, and auditors), which are mainly colonized (along with savings banks), mainly by the public and Socialist Party PSOE. (Etc.), and as a result, they could not fulfill their accountability. In the process, these institutions lost their credibility, lost legitimacy, and the politicians were recognized as exploitation elites. Effective chec k-an d-balance systems would have reduced the scale of the lord and eventually alleviated the crisis. Corruption flourished, especially due to the contact between politicians and the construction department. However, Spain did not sink to the level of Italy (Berli n-based Transparency International, 69th in 175 countries and 37th in Spain). Even the monarch system was polluted. Princess Christina, the sister of King Felipe, was charged with a fou r-year investigation, when she was charged with money laundering, fraud, and embezzlement through the no n-profit foundation established by her husband, Inyaki Urdangaline. The two will be trial in January. The uniform monetary policy of the European Central Bank has a asymmetric effect. This policy was too loose for Spain and led the real interest rate to negative. It distorted the rational behavior of the economic subject, promoted excessive debt and imbalance (in 2007, the financial deficit reached nearly 10 % of the GDP), and a significant decline in competitiveness. Spain was temporarily on e-quarter of the total of the Euro loans, accounting for about on e-quarter of the 500 euro banknotes distributed in 12 Euro countries at the time.

Spain has produced the largest global multinational businesses, along with South Korea and Taiwan, among countries where the industrial base had not yet been established in the 1960s. Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1). The ratio of women in the working population, which was 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. At the time of 1975, the name of the Spanish, which was known outside Spain, had little, except for representative airlines, Iberian Airlines and Real Madrid, a soccer club. In fact, Spanish companies have hardly expanded outside Spain. Today, there are at least 20 companies that account for important positions in the world economy. Santandale is the largest market capitalization in the euro and is the leader in the Latin American. Iberdora is the world's largest wind power company, the ZARA brand is the world's largest fashion retailer in the world, and ACS/HOCHTIEF is a top company developing and managing transportation infrastructure. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1). The ratio of women, which accounted for 30 % in 1975, has reached 46 % today. Women's university students surpass men's graduates and account for 40 % of the Diet seats. Society is becoming more and more secular, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the pillar of the Franco administration until his later years, is decreasing. In the Basqueque, terrorist group ETA (95 % or more after 1975), which killed 857 in the battle for independent nations, was defeated by law. The group declared a "decisive" ceasefire four years ago, but has not yet abandoned weapons. The low level of the late Franco administration was artificial because the economy was protected from the cold air of competition, and the situation could not be maintained for a long time.

Spain has also gained the leading status in fields such as solar energy, hig h-speed railway network, and MBAS programs (see Figure 1).
Spain's rapid economic growth was so real that it came to an end in 2008. This period, which Spaniards call "las vacas gordas" (the fat cows), lasted for more than a decade and was fueled primarily by a labor-intensive, debt-fueled, bloated construction and real estate sector. In 2006, the country saw more housing starts than Germany, France, and the United Kingdom combined, with 865, 000 new homes. This frenzy of construction was only made possible by an influx of immigrants (3. 6 million between 2000 and 2007), creating an unbalanced economy. The housing stock increased by 5. 7 million units during the boom, almost 30% of the existing stock. The impact on employment was also dramatic, with 8 million jobs created between 1995 and 2007. The economy was doing so well that José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, the Socialist prime minister from 2004 to 2011, declared in September 2007, using a soccer analogy, that “Spain has joined the Champions League.” That same year, he also called Spain’s economic model “an international model of solvency and efficiency.” In fact, Spain’s boom was a false bonanza built on unsustainable foundations.

The uniform monetary policy of the European Central Bank has a asymmetric effect. This policy was too loose for Spain and led the real interest rate to negative. It distorted the rational behavior of the economic subject, promoted excessive debt and imbalance (in 2007, the financial deficit reached nearly 10 % of the GDP), and a significant decline in competitiveness. Spain was temporarily on e-quarter of the total of the Euro loans, accounting for about on e-quarter of the 500 euro banknotes distributed in 12 Euro countries at the time.
In particular, savings banks were hit greatly due to the collapse of unpaid mortgages and real estate developers for those who lost their jobs. Some banks were rescued by the EU.

On the other hand, Siudadanos is in great shape. The approval rating has risen almost the same as Podemos's approval rating (from 8 % to 21 % in January), probably King Maker, and when the coalition administration is established, the People's Party and the Socialist Party. Which one will be assembled. The Public Party has been betting on voters returning to the government, as the economy has turned around, with the number of unemployed in the first time since 2011, with less than 5 million unemployed. Siudadanos, led by 3 5-yea r-old Alberto Rivera, was born in Catalonia eight years ago. In areas other than Catalonia, few people have heard the names of the party. The name of the independence, which was held a year ago, was known for its campaign to give a "no" vote against the ban on the Constitutional Court. In the Catalonia election last September, Siudadanos won the 18 % voting rate, twice as much as Podemos, and reduced the People's Party and the Socialist Party, and became the second party of the state. Podemos was born in May 2011, which was born in January 2014, in January 2014, in May 2011, a month of occupation of Puerta del Sol Sol Square in the center of Madrid for a month, centered on thousands of young people. In the local government election last May, Podemos and their alliance have seized the city hall in Madrid and Barcelona. The founders of Podemos are from Madrid's Faculty of Police, the University of Completence University, and is known for many years. The 3 6-yea r-old ponytail Pablo Igreesias, the leader of Podemos, lives in a simple apartment in the Madrid, one of the poorest areas in the 1980s, in the 1980s. There is a graffiti slogan saying "protect happiness and organize anger." Podemos's vote rate peaked 28 % until January this year, with the Persons and the Socialist Party down, but fell to 14 % last month. In the September Catalonia election, which was called a referendum, which asked for independence, had a catastrophic rate of only 9 % of the party and its alliance. As an unsatisfactory U-turn, Podemos began to sell himself as a Scandinavia n-style social democratic party earlier this year. Podemos seems to be trying to provide everything to everyone.

Siudadanos, led by 3 5-yea r-old Alberto Rivera, was born in Catalonia eight years ago. In areas other than Catalonia, few people have heard the names of the party. The name of the independence, which was held a year ago, was known for its campaign to give a "no" vote against the ban on the Constitutional Court. In the Catalonia election last September, Siudadanos won the 18 % voting rate, twice as much as Podemos, and reduced the People's Party and the Socialist Party, and became the second party of the state. Rivera says the difference between his party and Podemos is that Ciudadanos wants justice, while Podemos wants revenge. The latter's rapid rise has been something of a paradox. Spain's ideological self-ranking scale has barely changed in the past 20 years, rarely dropping below 4. 5, with 5. 0 being center (0 being far left and 10 being far right).

Spaniards do not want a break with the recent past, as Podemos ideologues call the "1978 system," referring to the 1978 democratic constitution. What Spaniards want is a system that works fairly and equally, without the privileges and impunity of the political class.

The monarchy has served Spain well. It has been tarnished by royal corruption scandals and is under scrutiny. But the institution (and the country as a whole) has shown a capacity for renewal. The question for Spain is whether to return to a republic or to keep the monarchy. A Socialist or Popular president would not be caught up in the political fray in partisan Spain, as Juan Carlos I and his son Felipe VI (who wisely abdicated last year) did. Felipe has held his own in his first year on the throne and enjoys a higher approval rating than any other public figure. The most serious problem facing Spain is Catalan independence. The Independence Party, an unholy coalition of conservative nationalists, radical republicans and anti-capitalists, won 48% of the vote in September's elections and holds 53% of the seats in the regional parliament. This is hardly a clear mandate for an independent state, as the Catalan parliament has expressed it. Franco would have solved the problem by sending in the tanks. The central government has used some of the democratic weapons at its disposal to stifle the independence movement, including summoning Catalan President Arthur Mas to testify in court about his party's defiance of the Constitutional Court and its non-binding symbolic independence referendum in 2014. Rivera says the difference between his party and Podemos is that Ciudadanos wants justice, while Podemos wants revenge. The latter's rapid rise has been something of a paradox. Spain's ideological self-ranking scale has barely changed in the past two decades, rarely dropping below 4. 5, with 5. 0 being center (0 being far left and 10 being far right). Spaniards don't want a break with the recent past, as Podemos ideologues call the "1978 system," referring to the 1978 democratic constitution. What Spaniards want is a system that works fairly and equally, without the privileges and impunity of the political class.

The monarchy has served Spain well. It has been tarnished by royal corruption scandals and has come under scrutiny. But the system (and the country as a whole) has shown it can regenerate. The question for Spain is whether to return to a republic or to keep the monarchy. A socialist or popular president would not be caught up in the political fray in partisan Spain, as Juan Carlos I and his son Felipe VI (who wisely abdicated last year) did. Felipe has held his own since his first year on the throne and enjoys a higher approval rating than any other public figure.

Franco would have solved the problem by sending in the tanks. The central government has used some of the democratic weapons at its disposal to stifle the independence movement, including summoning Catalan President Arthur Mas to testify in court about his party's defiance of the Constitutional Court and its non-binding symbolic independence referendum in 2014. Rivera says the difference between his party and Podemos is that Ciudadanos wants justice, while Podemos wants revenge. The latter's rapid rise has been something of a paradox. Spain's ideological self-ranking scale has barely changed in the past two decades, rarely dropping below 4. 5, with 5. 0 being center (0 being far left and 10 being far right). Spaniards don't want a break with the recent past, as Podemos ideologues call the "1978 system," referring to the 1978 democratic constitution. What Spaniards want is a system that works fairly and equally, without the privileges and impunity of the political class. Franco would have solved the problem by sending in tanks. The central government has used some of the democratic weapons at its disposal to suppress the independence movement, including summoning Catalan President Arthur Mas to testify in court about defiance of the Constitutional Court and holding a non-binding, symbolic referendum on independence in 2014. Rivera says the difference between his party and Podemos is that Ciudadanos wants justice, while Podemos wants revenge. The latter's rapid rise has been something of a paradox. Spain's ideological self-ranking scale has remained largely unchanged for the past 20 years, rarely dropping below 4. 5, with 5. 0 being center (0 being far left and 10 being far right). Spaniards do not want a break with the recent past, as Podemos ideologues call the "1978 system," referring to the 1978 democratic constitution. They want a system that works fairly and equally, without the privileges and impunity of a political class.

The monarchy has served Spain well. It has been tarnished by royal corruption scandals and is under scrutiny. But the institution (and the country as a whole) has demonstrated a capacity for renewal. The question for Spain is whether to return to a republic or to remain a monarchy. A Socialist or Popular president would not be caught up in the political fray in partisan Spain, as Juan Carlos I and his son Felipe VI (who wisely abdicated last year) did. Felipe has held his own in his first year on the throne and enjoys a higher approval rating than any other public figure.

Franco would have solved the problem by sending in the tanks. The central government is using some of the democratic weapons at its disposal to suppress the independence movement, including summoning Catalan President Arthur Mas to testify in court about defiantly holding a non-binding, symbolic referendum on independence in 2014.

No matter what solutions there, it will be after the December general election, and it may lead to the constitutional revision. The Spanish people want consensus that existed during the migration period. Economically, Spain has not yet rebuilt the production model, and does not depend on the construction department, making it more sustainable. The construction industry is integrated in labor, and Spain requires urgently employment. Another problem is the sustainability of the social security system. Pension reform has gradually extended retirement age from 65 to 67 years old, has increased the number of years required to get the highest pension qualification, and has abolished its automatically linked salary. Social security expenditures, which were swollen due to unemployment benefits, exceeded 3 % of GDP under this administration, exceeding revenue (depleted in large amounts of unemployed). Pension payments have been made in 2000 and have been collapsed by reserves accumulated during the boast period. Savings rose from 35. 8 billion in 2006 to 66. 8 billion euros in 2011, declining to 39. 5 billion euros (3. 7 % of GDP) in June 2015. If the reserve continues at this pace, and no measures are taken, it will end in 2019. Franco said that his administration and his mechanism had "tied and tied up well." The knot was well solved well. Unlike Germany, how to face the recent past in Spain. Perhaps the claim is that the wounds caused by the civil war, and the winner's wounds in which the winner rub against the loser's nose during the Franco administration, is the most difficult to heal, and it is better to leave it as it is. The consensus has not yet been obtained about what to do with the monument to the "Valley of War", which can never be called a place of reconciliation. The fact that the opinions are untouched about how to deal with the past has made it difficult to find an agreement on an uncertain future. William Chislett Elcano Royal Institute Associates Analysts |@Williamchislet3 What a solution will be after the general election in December, which could lead to the constitutional revision. The Spanish people want consensus that existed during the migration period. Economically, Spain has not yet rebuilt the production model, and does not depend on the construction department, making it more sustainable. The construction industry is integrated in labor, and Spain requires urgently employment.

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Another problem is the sustainability of the social security system. Pension reform has gradually extended retirement age from 65 to 67 years old, has increased the number of years required to get the highest pension qualification, and has abolished its automatically linked salary. Social security expenditures, which were swollen due to unemployment benefits, exceeded 3 % of GDP under this administration, exceeding revenue (depleted in large amounts of unemployed). Pension payments have been made in 2000 and have been collapsed by reserves accumulated during the boast period. Savings increased from 35. 8 billion euros in 2006 to 66. 8 billion euros in 2011, decreasing to 39. 5 billion euros (3. 7 % of GDP) in June 2015. If the reserve continues at this pace, and no measures are taken, it will end in 2019. Franco said that his administration and his mechanism had "tied and tied up well." The knot was well solved well. Unlike Germany, how to face the recent past in Spain. Perhaps the claim is that the wounds caused by the civil war, and the winner in the Franco administration's victory in the loser's nose is the most difficult to heal, and it is better to leave it as it is. The consensus has not yet been obtained about what to do with the monument to the "Valley of War", which can never be called a place of reconciliation. The fact that the opinions are untouched about how to deal with the past has made it difficult to find an agreement on an uncertain future. William Chislett Elcano Royal Institute Associate Analyst ｜@Williamchislet3 What kind of solutions are available, it will be after the general election in December, and it may lead to the constitutional amendment. The Spanish people want consensus that existed during the migration period. Economically, Spain has not yet rebuilt the production model, and does not depend on the construction department, making it more sustainable. The construction industry is integrated in labor, and Spain requires urgently employment.

Franco said that his administration and his mechanism had "tied and tied up well." The knot was well solved well. Unlike Germany, how to face the recent past in Spain. Perhaps the claim is that the wounds caused by the civil war, and the winner's wounds in which the winner rub against the loser's nose during the Franco administration, is the most difficult to heal, and it is better to leave it as it is.

The consensus has not yet been obtained about what to do with the monument to the "Valley of War", which can never be called a place of reconciliation. The fact that the opinions are untouched about how to deal with the past has made it difficult to find an agreement on an uncertain future.

William Chisletto Elcano Royal Institute Associate Analyst ｜@Williamchislet3

One William Chislet reported on the democratization period of Spain on Times from 1975 to 1978. He has authored the author of "Spain: What Everyone Needs To Know" (Oxford University Publishing Bureau). Real Instate Ercano will publish a new book on Spain in early 2016.

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Franco established an authoritarian regime based on emergency war powers granted to him by the generals in 1936 as head of state and government. Franco's first decade of rule was marked by harsh repression by military tribunals, political purges, and economic hardship. The destruction caused by the civil war (particularly railcars and communications in general), the loss of skilled labor, successive droughts, foreign currency shortages, and restrictions on the import of capital goods due to World War II and its aftermath made economic recovery difficult. These difficulties were exacerbated by Franco's misguided nationalist policies. The policy aimed for economic self-sufficiency through state control of prices and industrial development in a protected national economy closed off from international markets. National income fell to 1900 levels as industrial and agricultural production stagnated and real wages fell dramatically. The near-famine of the 1940s saw the rise of black markets and misery in rural areas. Brutal repression and a controlled, censored press prevented discontent from taking any organized form. The regime maintained a division between the winners and losers of the civil war, with the losers excluded from public life. Related articles: Spanish flag

Audio file: Spanish national anthem

Head of government Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez (more)

Capital: Madrid Madrid (more)

Population: (2024 estimate) 48, 736, 000 (more)

Exchange rate: 1 USD = 0. 937 EUR (more)

Head of state King King: Felipe VI (more)

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During World War II, Franco was in tune with Germany and Italy, giving mental and material assistance. Nevertheless, Franco has demanded Northern African colonies in France as a price of military cooperation against the Western Allies, where Spain relied on food and oil imports. Hitler refused this. In 1943, when the Allies thought they would win the war, Franco reconfirmed Spain's nominal neutral, but did not get the favor of the Allies.

Since 1945, the powers have declared hostility, and the United Nations imposed diplomatic sanctions, but Spain was excluded from the sanctions. Juan Carlos Teresa Sylberio Alfonso de Volbonberg (commonly known as Don Fan), the successor to Alfonso I XIII, presented the monarchy as a democratic forces, and the winner was the winner. He dedicated himself as a King of all Spanish, including. Many of the colleagues of General Franco were hostile to Fangiju, and the demands of the monarchy were extremely difficult. The brave but useless guerrilla activity (1944-48), inspired by the Communist Party, was cruelly oppressed.

Franco responded to these serious difficulties and moved the supporter's power balance from Palangju to Catholic. The Spanish freedom (1945), which guarantees personal freedom, could not establish a democratic confidence of Franco against the Allies (on the condition that there was no attack on the administration). What was more important for Franco was the support of the church, and the church was given education rights. The diplomatic expulsion imposed by the United Nations was cleverly converted to a means of gaining support for the government under the name of the national integration.

Franco's confidence began with the Cold War, and the United States began to regard the Spanish as a valuable allies against the Soviet Union, and Franco is ready for the recurrence of the civil war while expressing his support for democratization opposition. I was born from the feeling that I would not intervene directly to overthrow. Therefore, the opposition's hope was returned. In 1953, an agreement with the United States received a considerable economic assistance in return for installing four US military bases in Spain. Franco tuned to Germany and Italy during World War II, giving mental and material assistance. Nevertheless, Franco has demanded Northern African colonies in France as a price of military cooperation against the Western Allies, where Spain relied on food and oil imports. Hitler refused this. In 1943, when the Allies thought they would win the war, Franco reconfirmed Spain's nominal neutral, but did not get the favor of the Allies.

Franco responded to these serious difficulties and moved the supporters' power balance from Fangliar to Catholic. The Spanish freedom (1945), which guarantees personal freedom, could not establish a democratic confidence of Franco against the Allies (on the condition that there was no attack on the administration). What was more important for Franco was the support of the church, and the church was given education rights. The diplomatic expulsion imposed by the United Nations was cleverly converted to a means of gaining support for the government under the name of the national integration.

Franco's confidence began with the Cold War, and the United States began to regard the Spanish as a valuable allies against the Soviet Union, and Franco is ready for the recurrence of the civil war while expressing his support for democratization opposition. I was born from the feeling that I would not intervene directly to overthrow. Therefore, the opposition's hope was returned. In 1953, an agreement with the United States received a considerable economic assistance in return for installing four US military bases in Spain. During World War II, Franco was in tune with Germany and Italy, giving mental and material assistance. Nevertheless, Franco has demanded Northern African colonies in France as a price of military cooperation against the Western Allies, where Spain relied on food and oil imports. Hitler refused this. In 1943, when the Allies thought they would win the war, Franco reconfirmed Spain's nominal neutral, but did not get the favor of the Allies.

Franco responded to these serious difficulties and moved the supporter's power balance from Palangju to Catholic. The Spanish freedom (1945), which guarantees personal freedom, could not establish a democratic confidence of Franco against the Allies (on the condition that there is no attack on the administration). What was more important for Franco was the support of the church, and the church was given education rights. The diplomatic expulsion imposed by the United Nations was cleverly converted to a means of gaining support for the government under the name of the national integration.

By the 1955 of Spain, the Franco administration seemed safe. Franco is held by Franco's internal command, and Franco's control has been reliable due to the control of the army, the group supporting Franco, especially the Fangi, monarchy, and churches. Eventually, Farangju lost power in the only legal political organization, the national movement, and tried to create a Farangju on e-party dictatorship, but was defeated in 1956, but between Fangi and conservatives. The tension continued.

The opposition to the administration occurred in the form of student movements, strikes, the formation of a unified front by the Communist Party and the government (1958, 1959), but failed. In 1962, a moderate opposition attempted to force democratization to join the European EEC (EEC), but was rejected by the government. What was even more serious was the collapse of sel f-sufficiency in inflation, expansion of international balance, and strikes. The crisis was improved by the Technoclat of the Ops Day (conservative Roman Catholic Catholators), and in February 1957, many members were appointed the cabinet. With the cut down of European currency, Franco had to implement a stabilization plan in 1959. The national intervention in economic nationalism, protection, and dictatorship has been abandoned, giving priority to the market economy and the need to open the market economy to international trade and the required foreign investment. Following the stabilization plan, in 1963, a development plan was based on the French instruction plan, that is, the setting of the public sector and the encouragement of the private sector. By 1955, when Spain joined the United Nations, the Franco administration seemed safe. Franco is held by Franco's internal command, and Franco's control has been reliable due to the control of the army, the group supporting Franco, especially the Fangi, monarchy, and churches. Eventually, Farangju lost power in the only legal political organization, the national movement, and tried to create a Farangju on e-party dictatorship, but was defeated in 1956, but between Fangi and conservatives. The tension continued.

The opposition to the administration occurred in the form of student movements, strikes, the formation of a unified front by the Communist Party and the government (1958, 1959), but failed. In 1962, a moderate opposition attempted to force democratization to join the European EEC (EEC), but was rejected by the government. What was even more serious was the collapse of sel f-sufficiency found in inflation, the expansion of the international balance, and strikes. The crisis was improved by the Technoclat of the Ops Day (conservative Roman Catholic Catholators), and in February 1957, many members were appointed the cabinet. With the cut down of European currency, Franco had to implement a stabilization plan in 1959. The national intervention in economic nationalism, protection, and dictatorship has been abandoned, giving priority to the market economy and the need to open the market economy to international trade and the required foreign investment. Following the stabilization plan, in 1963, a development plan was based on the French instruction plan, that is, the setting of the public sector and the encouragement of the private sector. By the 1955 of Spain, the Franco administration seemed safe. Franco is held by Franco's internal command, and Franco's control has been reliable due to the control of the army, the group supporting Franco, especially the Fangi, monarchy, and churches. Eventually, Farangju lost power in the only legal political organization, the national movement, and tried to create a Farangju singl e-party dictatorship, but was defeated in 1956, but between Fangi and conservatives. The tension continued.

The opposition to the administration occurred in the form of student movements, strikes, the formation of unified fronts by the Communist Party and the government (1958, 1959), but failed. In 1962, a moderate opposition attempted to force democratization to join the European EEC (EEC), but was rejected by the government. What was even more serious was the collapse of sel f-sufficiency in inflation, expansion of international balance, and strikes. The crisis was improved by the Technoclat of the Ops Day (conservative Roman Catholic Catholators), and in February 1957, many members were appointed the cabinet. With the cut down of European currency, Franco had to make a stabilization plan in 1959. The national intervention in economic nationalism, protection, and dictatorship has been abandoned, giving priority to the market economy and the need to open the market economy to international trade and the required foreign investment. Following the stabilization plan, in 1963, a development plan based on France's instruction plan, that is, the setting of the public sector and the encouragement of the private sector was formulated.

The new policies led to a growth rate of over 7% between 1962 and 1966, and a surge in tourism, foreign investment, and remittances from immigrants seeking work in other European countries after the immediate hit of the 1959 stabilization policy. There was a population exodus from the impoverished rural areas, and the active agricultural workforce fell from about two-fifths in 1960 to about one-fifth by 1976. Spain was rapidly becoming a modern industrial country. However, government policies were fiercely resisted by the Falange, who claimed it represented a capitulation to neo-capitalism. Reformists' hopes of limited liberalization were thwarted by conservatives, with the exception of Manuel Fraga's press law of 1966.

The new prosperity brought about a new social mobility, satisfying an expanding middle class, but the workers' movement was revived. Disillusioned with the "official" syndicates run by the Falange, workers founded the Workers' Committee (CC. OO. Confederación Sindical de Comisiones Obreras) to negotiate wage claims outside the official framework, and serious strikes were staged. Some in the Church were sympathetic to the demands for greater social justice and responded to the recommendations of the Second Vatican Council. Indeed, many young priests were sympathetic to the Workers' Committee. Bishops generally believed that the Church should support the regime, but they were increasingly aware of the long-term dangers of such an alliance.

Fringe nationalism was a challenge. In the Basque Country, nationalists could count on the support of the clergy, and Basque nationalism developed a terrorist wing, ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, "Basque Homeland and Freedom" in Basque). The Burgos trial of Basque terrorists in 1970 discredited the regime abroad, and the Catalan parliament the following year united the opposition in demanding the restoration of democratic institutions and the 1932 Charter of Autonomy.

In the 1960s, Franco was harmful and the successor was not nominated, so the number of systems that suffered from lack of institutionalization and successor issues increased. The organic law enacted in 1969 gave the government a constitution, and in 1969 Franco finally approved Alfonso XII's grandchild Juan Carlos as the successor to the King and the head of the state. In June 1973, Franco gave the Prime Minister's seat to Admiral Lewis Calero Blanco to ensure continuity. However, in December, Carero Bran was assassinated by the ETA.

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Former Prime Minister Carlos Arias Navaro was selected as the new Prime Minister. In his administration, the reforms led by Manuel Hula and the New Foreign Minister Jose Maria de Allera want to "open" the administration by limited democratization from above. A fierce struggle was held with the spirit of the "underground bunker". Arias Navaro promised liberalization in the February 1974 speech, but eventually the hard Francoist side was completely unacceptable to the opposition, and was defeated by the reforms. 。 The government strictly oppressed ETA's terrorist attacks in the Basque region and executed five terrorists in September 1975, despite international protests. After the death of Franco on November 20, 1975, the new era began with the throne of Juan Carlos, and peaceful transition to democracy was reached by Francoist legal means. The strategy eliminated the dangers of the "democracy disconnection" claimed by the opposition, which was uneasy but untrained in July 1974, in a common platform. Arias Navaro was unable to achieve the king's supported democratic transition, and in July 1976, the former Franco Minister Adolfo Suarez Gonzales was appointed. Suarez persuaded the Francoist righ t-wing in Cortes, passed the Political Reform Law (November 1976), and opened the way to democratic elections. Suarez then convinced the opposition party to negotiate and the intention of democratization, and in April 1977, he legalized his PCE in contrast to the intentions of armed forces. In the June 1977 election, Suarez's political parties, the Democratic Central Union (UCD), won 165 seats in Cortes, and the Spanish Social Labor Party (PSOE) won 118 seats and continued. It was a political moderation and the victory of Suarez consensus politics. PCE has 20 seats, and the righ t-wing People's Union has 16 seats.

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Suarez established a minority, and political consensus established a 1978 constitution. The new constitution was overwhelmingly ratified in the referendum in December 1978, and Spain established a constitutional monarchy. Churches and nations have been separated, 17 autonomous states have been established throughout Spain, and Eus Caddy (Basque Autonomous Region, Biskaya, Gyps Core, Alaba Prefecture), which have already been given limited autonomous rights, and other than Catalania. Autonomy has been expanded. The UCD, which faced terrorism and the economic recession, was divided into the "Baron" factions. Suarez, who was afraid of a military coup in the local election and feared the possibility of a military coup, resigned in January 1981. After the death of Franco on November 20, 1975, the new era began with the throne of Juan Carlos, and a peaceful transition to democracy by Francoist legal means. The strategy eliminated the dangers of the "democracy disconnection" claimed by the opposition, which was uneasy but untrained in July 1974, in a common platform. Arias Navaro was unable to achieve the king's supported democratic transition, and in July 1976, the former Franco Minister Adolfo Suarez Gonzales was appointed. Suarez persuaded the Francoist righ t-wing in Cortes, passed the Political Reform Law (November 1976), and opened the way to democratic elections. Suarez then convinced the opposition party to negotiate and the intention of democratization, and in April 1977, he legalized his PCE in contrast to the intentions of armed forces. In the June 1977 election, Suarez's political parties, the Democratic Central Union (UCD), won 165 seats in Cortes, and the Spanish Social Labor Party (PSOE) won 118 seats and continued. It was a political moderation and the victory of Suarez consensus politics. PCE has 20 seats, and the righ t-wing People's Union has 16 seats.

Suarez established a minority, and political consensus established a 1978 constitution. The new constitution was overwhelmingly ratified in the referendum in December 1978, and Spain established a constitutional monarchy. Churches and nations have been separated, 17 autonomous states have been established throughout Spain, and Eus Caddy (Basque Autonomous Region, Biskaya, Gyps Core, Alaba Prefecture), which have already been given limited autonomous rights, and other than Catalania. Autonomy has been expanded. The UCD, which faced terrorism and the economic recession, was divided into the "Baron" factions. Suarez, who was afraid of a military coup in the local election and feared the possibility of a military coup, resigned in January 1981. After the death of Franco on November 20, 1975, the new era began with the throne of Juan Carlos, and peaceful transition to democracy was reached by Francoist legal means. The strategy eliminated the dangers of the "democracy disconnection" claimed by the opposition, which was uneasy but untrained in July 1974, in a common platform. Arias Navaro was unable to achieve the king's supported democratic transition, and in July 1976, the former Franco Minister Adolfo Suarez Gonzales was appointed. Suarez persuaded the Francoist righ t-wing in Cortes, passed the Political Reform Law (November 1976), and opened the way to democratic elections. Suarez then convinced the opposition party to negotiate and the intention of democratization, and in April 1977, he legalized his PCE in contrast to the intentions of armed forces. In the June 1977 election, Suarez's political parties, the Democratic Central Union (UCD), won 165 seats in Cortes, and the Spanish Social Labor Party (PSOE) won 118 seats and continued. It was a political moderation and the victory of Suarez consensus politics. PCE has 20 seats, and the righ t-wing People's Union has 16 seats.

The UCD member, Leopold Calvo Saterer, was also suspended by Colonel Antonio Tehero's attempted military coup. Antonio Tehero occupied Cortes (February 23, 1981) and detained the government and delegate for 18 hours. However, King Juan Carlos has decided to do a coup because he supported the Democratic Constitution. Calvo Satello, who had been working to restore the trust of democracy, succeeded in joining the Spanish North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1982.

In the October 1982 election, a final breakthrough with Francoist's heritage, PSOE, led by Felipe Gonzales, returned. PSOE gained a majority (202 seats), but UCD was able to get only 12 seats and was wiped out. The Manuel Hul a-led conservative democracy has gained 106 seats and formed an official opposition.

In 1975, PSOE, a radical party aiming for replacement of capitalism, later abandoned Marxism and accepted the market economy. The new administration has been a major issue in struggle with inflation and modernization of industries. Gonzales' policy was resisted by a labor union (CC. OO dominated by UGT and PCE), which performed violent strikes against the closing of uneven economy steelmaking and shipyards. Despite the official opposition to NATO members in the 1982 election, the left wand was further alienated after the government decided to continue NATO. In order to justify PSOE's transformed escape from the traditional neutralism, NATO members were associated with a referendum and rely on the withdrawal of some U. S. military in Spain in the 1953 agreement. Spain has also contributed to collective defense outside of NATO's integrated military headquarters. The Spanish government won the NATO, rather than evidence of enthusiasm for NATO, in a referendum on March 12, 1986. Gonzales also had a lon g-term difficult negotiations, and in January 1986 ensuring its Spanish EEC. The UCD member, Leopold Calvo Saterer, was suspended by Colonel Antonio Tehero's attempted military coup. Antonio Tehero occupied Cortes (February 23, 1981) and detained the government and delegate for 18 hours. However, King Juan Carlos has decided to do a coup because he supported the Democratic Constitution. Calvo Satello, who had been working to restore the trust of democracy, succeeded in joining the Spanish North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1982.

In 1975, PSOE, a radical party aiming for replacement of capitalism, later abandoned Marxism and accepted the market economy. The new administration has been a major issue in struggle with inflation and modernization of industries. Gonzales' policy was resisted by a labor union (CC. OO dominated by UGT and PCE), which performed violent strikes against the closing of uneven economy steelmaking and shipyards. Despite the official opposition to NATO members in the 1982 election, the left wand was further alienated after the government decided to continue NATO. In order to justify PSOE's transformed escape from the traditional neutralism, NATO members were associated with a referendum and rely on the withdrawal of some U. S. military in Spain in the 1953 agreement. Spain has also contributed to collective defense outside of NATO's integrated military headquarters. The Spanish government won the NATO, rather than evidence of enthusiasm for NATO, in a referendum on March 12, 1986. Gonzales also had a lon g-term difficult negotiations, and in January 1986 ensuring its Spanish EEC. The UCD member, Leopold Calvo Saterer, was also suspended by Colonel Antonio Tehero's attempted military coup. Antonio Tehero occupied Cortes (February 23, 1981) and detained the government and delegate for 18 hours. However, King Juan Carlos has decided to do a coup because he supported the Democratic Constitution. Calvo Satello, who had been working to restore the trust of democracy, succeeded in joining the Spanish North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1982.

With the formation of a unified left wing (ISQUIIERDA UNIDA; IU) based on the remnants of PCE, the government has lost the support of the left, and the righ t-wing struggles with terrorism, the turmoil of the streets, increased crime, and the serious drug problem. Focusing on the outbreak, he dropped his capital on the issues of law and order. The government was accused of using the majority to enforce major reforms in universities and secondary education, and abandoned socialist policies in struggling with inflation and supporting the capitalist market economy. However, the government's dominance of PSOE was reliable by the operation of political support. In addition, the conflict caused by Euscaddy and Catalunia's demand for the sel f-government rights was troubled. However, due to the success of the government's economic policy (a decline in inflation and the resumption of growth) and the popularity of Gonzes, the Socialist Party maintained a majority (184 seats) in the June 1986 election.

Even in the second term, the government's economic policy continues to anticipate the union, the unemployment rate reaches nearly 20 %, and on December 14, 1988, CC. OO. Was done. The foreign policy supported the government's decision to provide the United States and its ally to provide backdrops to the United States and their allies in the Persian Bay War in 1991. The tension between the central government and the Eus Caddy Autonomous Government and the Catalonia Autonomous Government continued. ETA terrorists have lost political support, but the rise of nationalism in the collapsed Soviet Union caused separation explosions in Spain. The Spanish government has promoted political integration with EEC, a major trading partner of the country. Following the success of the Soccer World Cup 10 years ago, the Olympics were held in Sevilla in Sevilla in 1992, and the Olympics were held in Barcelona, and Spain again gained international attention. The formation of the unified left wing (ISQUIIERDA UNIDA; IU) with the remnants of the PCE has led to the lef t-wing support, the righ t-wing struggle with terrorism, the turmoil of the streets, the increase in crime, and the seriousness. Focusing on the occurrence of drug problems, he led his capital to law and order issues. The government was accused of using the majority to enforce major reforms in universities and secondary education, and abandoned socialist policies in struggling with inflation and supporting the capitalist market economy. However, the government's dominance of PSOE was reliable by the operation of political support. In addition, the conflict caused by Euscaddy and Catalunia's demand for the sel f-government rights was troubled. However, due to the success of the government's economic policy (a decline in inflation and the resumption of growth) and the popularity of Gonzes, the Socialist Party maintained a majority (184 seats) in the June 1986 election.

Even in the second term, the government's economic policy continues to anticipate the union, the unemployment rate reaches nearly 20 %, and on December 14, 1988, CC. OO. Was done. The foreign policy supported the government's decision to provide the United States and its ally to provide backdrops to the United States and their allies in the Persian Bay War in 1991. The tension between the central government and the Eus Caddy Autonomous Government and the Catalonia Autonomous Government continued. ETA terrorists have lost political support, but the rise of nationalism in the collapsed Soviet Union caused separation explosions in Spain. The Spanish government has promoted political integration with EEC, a major trading partner of the country. Following the success of the Soccer World Cup 10 years ago, the Olympics were held in Sevilla in Sevilla in 1992, and the Olympics were held in Barcelona, and Spain again gained international attention. With the formation of a unified left wing (ISQUIIERDA UNIDA; IU) based on the remnants of PCE, the government has lost the support of the left, and the righ t-wing struggles with terrorism, the turmoil of the streets, increased crime, and the serious drug problem. Focusing on the outbreak, he dropped his capital on the issues of law and order. The government was accused of using the majority to enforce major reforms in universities and secondary education, and abandoned socialist policies in struggling with inflation and supporting the capitalist market economy. However, the government's dominance of PSOE was reliable by the operation of political support. In addition, the conflict caused by Euscaddy and Catalunia's demand for the sel f-government rights was troubled. However, due to the success of the government's economic policy (a decline in inflation and the resumption of growth) and the popularity of Gonzes, the Socialist Party maintained a majority (184 seats) in the June 1986 election.

Before the gorgeousness of such an international event faded, Spain had reached difficult times. The economy was sluggish, and the government shakes into a series of corruption scandals, and the internal conflict in PSOE has reached an unbearable level. In such a very disadvantageous situation, Felipe Gonzales convened a new election in 1993. Surprisingly, the Socialist Party maintained the largest party in Cortes, but never reached the majority, and had to rely on the support of Catalan and Basque's nationalists.

The fourth term of Gonzales started an unstable start. A survey on the "dirty war" in the mi d-1980s, led by Judge Baltasal Garson, reported that government officials provided support to the ant i-terrorist group (Grupos Antiteristas de Liberación). Two ministers, including Deputy Prime Minister Narcis Serra, have resigned from another scandal, the loss of security documents. Gonzales has won a new election in March 1996, with the withdrawal of the party's government's support, and the conservative party, PARTIDO POPULAR; PP, won, but more than expected. He was much more narrow and could not get the majority of the parliament. The PP won 156 seats out of the 350 lower house, and PSOE decreased to 141 seats.

This article is an attempt to evaluate the impact of the marke t-oriented reform conducted during the dictatorship of General Franco, especially the stabilization and liberalization plan in 1959. The relationship between economic policy and growth track record is examined using the indicators of macroeconomic distortion. Although the decline in the distortion of the macro economy has already progressed in the 1950s, the 1959 plan has opened a way to a new system design that supports the free market distribution of resources, accelerating growth, and in Western Europe. I was able to catch up. Without the 1950s reform, especially the 1959 plan, the GDP per person in 1975 would have dropped significantly. Spain had been in a difficult era before the gorgeousness of such an international event faded. The economy was sluggish, and the government shakes into a series of corruption scandals, and the internal conflict in PSOE has reached an unbearable level. In such a very disadvantageous situation, Felipe Gonzales convened a new election in 1993. Surprisingly, the Socialist Party maintained the largest party in Cortes, but never reached the majority, and had to rely on the support of Catalan and Basque's nationalists.

This article is an attempt to evaluate the impact of the marke t-oriented reform conducted during the dictatorship of General Franco, especially the stabilization and liberalization plan in 1959. The relationship between economic policy and growth track record is examined using the indicators of macroeconomic distortion. Although the decline in the distortion of the macro economy has already progressed in the 1950s, the 1959 plan has opened a way to a new system design that supports the free market distribution of resources, accelerating growth, and in Western Europe. I was able to catch up. Without the 1950s reform, especially the 1959 plan, the GDP per person in 1975 would have dropped significantly. Before the gorgeousness of such an international event faded, Spain had reached difficult times. The economy was sluggish, and the government shakes into a series of corruption scandals, and the internal conflict in PSOE has reached an unbearable level. In such a very disadvantageous situation, Felipe Gonzales convened a new election in 1993. Surprisingly, the Socialist Party maintained the largest party in Cortes, but never reached the majority, and had to rely on the support of Catalan and Basque's nationalists.

Elim Poon - Journalist, Creative Writer

Last modified: 27.08.2024

building a national identity during the early Franco regime.1 By the “early. Franco's regime”, we refer to the years from , with the military regime. Spain has changed beyond recognition since General Franco died 40 years ago. The country telescoped its political, economic and social modernisation into a. relations between General Franco's Spain and the institutions that Page Elcano Royal Institute | 11 June 14 on the.

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