The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities a literature review Humanities and

The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: a literature review

The legalization, regulation, and proliferation of casinos in the United States have led to an increase in casino gambling participation. The three As (accessibility, availability, and acceptability), known as ecological predictors of casino gambling participation, have also been associated with casino inundation, such as the influx of urban casinos in large cities along the Northeast Corridor. While the association between casino proximity, increased casino participation, and gambling-related problems has been reported in the gambling and casino proximity literature, the association between casino proximity and urban casino communities has not been fully explored in the current literature. The purpose of this paper is to present a comprehensive review of casino proximity and Northeast urban casino and host communities, and through an extensive literature review, to explain the concept of casino proximity and its impact on Northeast urban casino communities, thereby discussing its impact on these communities. We found that (i) urban casinos are typically located in low socioeconomic communities with existing gambling cultures, (ii) socioeconomic improvements are promised to existing disadvantaged communities prior to casino introduction, but the modest economic benefits realized in urban casino neighborhoods are unsustainable, (iii) proximity may increase access to and availability of urban casinos, which in turn may increase casino participation, and (iv) increased access to and availability of urban casinos may increase casino participation.

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Introduction

Commercial casino gambling increased worldwide from the 1990s to the mi d-2000s (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Shaffer et al., 2006). However, gambling legalization is delayed in the United States, especially in the northeastern part, Minlille Vegas, which has a mi d-lo w-priced detinating casino, and a tribe operated by Pecot Indians in Mashan Tacket, Connecticut. There were only casinos and Foxwoods. However, if the state government decides that gambling can be further earned by legalization of some gambling, such as horse racing, lottery, and casinos, the movement of gambling legalization will increase (Tidwell et al. Jackson, 2011), as a result, more gambling fields, especially casinos, were approved and opened. By 2000, 48 states have approved legal gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013), and more than 350 casinos have been operated in 29 states (Wenz, 2014, P. 137).

Gambling legalization has continued to strengthen casinos regulations, and the spread of casinos has expanded nationwide (IAV, 2013]; Martin et al., 2011; stansbury et al., 2015; TOLCHARD, 2015; Chim, 2013; Welte et Al. Connecticut opened Mohegan Sun Casino, the second tribal management in Ankasville in Ankasville, and New York and Pennsylvania opened commercial casinos in 2004, and Merland is Merland. Following 2010 (NOWER, Volberg, and Caler, 2017; Tidwell et al.) As of the end of 2018, the US Gaming Association ([AGA], 2019) reported the 979 casinos in the past. Was 43 commercial casinos (Landbas, Riverboat, Racino) and 514 commercial casino gambles worldwide (Hodgins. AND PETRY, 2016; Shaffer et al., 2006), but in the northeastern part of the northern part, the minus Vegas with the Atlantic City and the mi d-low price range. However, there were only tribal casinos and Foxwoods, which are operated by Pecot Indians, but the state government legal, such as lottery, lottery, and casinos. Judging that the profit is gained, the movement of gambling legalization has grown (Tidwell et al., 2015; Walker and Jackson, 2011), and as a result, more gambling fields, especially casinos, were opened. By year, 48 states have approved legal gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013), operating more than 350 casinos in 29 (Wenz, 2014, P. 137).

Gambling legalization has continued to strengthen casinos regulations, and the spread of casinos has expanded nationwide (IAV, 2013]; Martin et al., 2011; stansbury et al., 2015; TOLCHARD, 2015; Chim, 2013; Welte et Al. Connecticut opened Mohegan Sun Casino, the second tribal management in Ankasville in Ankasville, and New York and Pennsylvania opened commercial casinos in 2004, and Merland is Merland. Following 2010 (NOWER, Volberg, and Caler, 2017; Tidwell et al.) As of the end of 2018, the US Gaming Association ([AGA], 2019) reported the 979 casinos in the past. Was a 465 commercial casino (Landbase, Resino, Racino) and 514 tribal casino gambles worldwide (Hodgins and Petry, in the mi d-2000s. 2016; Shaffer et Al. However, there were only tribal casinos and Fox Woods operated by Pecot Indians, but the state government legalized some gambling, such as lottery, lottery, and some gambling. Judging that it is determined, the movement of gambling legislation has grown (Tidwell et al., 2015; Walker and Jackson, 2011), as a result, more gambling, especially casinos, were approved. 48 states have approved legal gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013), operating more than 350 casinos in 29 states (Wenz, 2014, P. 137).

The emergence of urban casinos, another type of casino gambling establishment, began to reshape the landscape of metropolitan ecosystems beginning in the early 2000s. Some urban casinos in the Northeast are also racetrack casinos or racinos, extensions of existing racetracks (American Casino Guide, n. d.; American Gaming Association ([AGA], 2018; Conway, 2015; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b). Many racing tracks operate only slot machines, known as video lottery terminals (VLTs) (AGA, 2019; Kelly and Catania, 2014; Welte et al.). However, this new type of casino gambling deviates from traditional casino gambling operations, which generally offer slot machines and a variety of table games with live dealers.

Despite limited gaming options, major metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) or metro areas in the Northeast (United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Center [USDA ERC], n. d.) have adopted casinos and racinos (Conway, 2015). Boston and Washington In the Northeast Megalopolis, which consists of large cities along the corridor connecting D. C. (Coe et al., 2018), urban casinos are concentrated in three major cities: New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. All casinos in the Northeast Corridor are commercial casinos, but only New York City and Philadelphia operate racetracks.

Before casinos in the Northeast metropolitan areas, casino participation and gambling were primarily conducted at the Mohegan Sun and Foxwoods casinos in Connecticut and Atlantic City casinos in New Jersey. Legalization paved the way for more casinos, including a new wave of urban casinos, sometimes attached to existing racetracks. Casino gambling participation increased as urban casinos became more accessible, available, and acceptable (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015).

Methods

A research study that investigates casinos accessibility and availability in a proximal context of a casino reveals that it is related between components (accessibility and availability) and gambling or other gambling issues (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012). CONWAY, 2015; Martin et al., 2011; TolChard, 2015; TSE et al.) Several researchers (2019; Welte et al., 2017; Welte et al., 2016a, 2016a, 2016a Welte et al., 2016b; welte et al., 2004; XOURIDAS et al. There is. Many of these studies were done before the casinos flow into major cities in the northeastern part, but access, use, or convenience to casinos in urban areas is a casino user and a wide range. For a community, there is a potential gambling problem such as economic pain, mental disorders, and health problems (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; confay, 2015; Martin et al., 2011; stansbury et al., 2015; TolChard, 2015; Tong and chim, 2013). However, the components of the proximity of the casino have not been fully evaluated in urban casino research.

Studies on the proximity of casinos and the expansion of casinos have not been able to keep up with changes in the entire casino industry, especially urban casinos in metropolitan areas (CONWAY, 2015). In the past, casino research has shown that urban casinos are already installed in a community with gambling culture (Barness et al., 2013; redmond, 2015; Welte et al. The need to understand the proximity of the casino can potentially increase social and economic issues in the already struggling community due to the proximity of urban casinos, and as a result It is derived from the lack of literature because the number of services and intervention provided by stakeholders (members and community workers) increases.

McEwan (2018) posits that a quality literature review should provide a rationale for investigating a phenomenon, include a theoretical stance, and discuss and synthesize findings from existing research. As urban casinos in the Northeast are still a relatively new phenomenon (Conway, 2015) and there is a paucity of research in the literature, this literature review aims to review, examine, and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between casino proximity and urban casino communities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis Corridor. Based on the perspective of exposure and adaptation theory (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Philander, 2019), the existing literature was synthesized and discussed to justify this study. This review employed the four steps (identification, screening, eligibility, and inclusion) of the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) protocol using hand searches of Academic Search Premier, ProQuest Central, Google Scholar, PsychINFO, and SocINDEX databases (Browning and Rigolon, 2019). Multiple search terms, including casino proximity, casino accessibility, casino location, casino community, urban gambling, urban casinos, casino proximity and socioeconomic status, casino proximity and problem gambling, and Northeast casinos, and several different combinations of the preceding terms, were used to search for academic articles and studies that covered or referenced the search terms.

Date restrictions were minimal, but to achieve a substantial contribution to the casino proximity and urban casino literature, 210 articles with a date range of 2004 to 2019 were identified that met one or more of the search terms. However, some papers that met the date criteria and included the construct casino proximity had associations with problem gambling, pathological gambling, gambling among older adults, and co-occurring disorders, so these papers were not selected, and 111 papers were excluded from the 210 papers identified. McEwan (2018) posits that a quality literature review should provide a rationale for investigating a phenomenon, include a theoretical stance, and discuss and synthesize findings from existing research. As urban casinos in the Northeast are still a relatively new phenomenon (Conway, 2015) and there is a paucity of research in the literature, this literature review aims to review, examine, and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between casino proximity and urban casino communities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis Corridor. Based on the perspective of exposure and adaptation theory (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Philander, 2019), the existing literature was synthesized and discussed to justify this study. This review employed the four steps (identification, screening, eligibility, and inclusion) of the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) protocol using hand searches of Academic Search Premier, ProQuest Central, Google Scholar, PsychINFO, and SocINDEX databases (Browning and Rigolon, 2019). Multiple search terms, including casino proximity, casino accessibility, casino location, casino community, urban gambling, urban casinos, casino proximity and socioeconomic status, casino proximity and problem gambling, and Northeast casinos, and several different combinations of the preceding terms, were used to search for academic articles and studies that covered or referenced the search terms.

Results from the literature

Date restrictions were minimal, but to achieve a substantial contribution to the casino proximity and urban casino literature, 210 articles with a date range of 2004 to 2019 were identified that met one or more of the search terms. However, some papers that met the date criteria and included the construct casino proximity had associations with problem gambling, pathological gambling, gambling among older adults, and co-occurring disorders, so these papers were not selected, and 111 papers were excluded from the 210 identified papers. McEwan (2018) posits that a quality literature review should provide a rationale for investigating a phenomenon, include a theoretical stance, and discuss and synthesize findings from existing research. As urban casinos in the Northeast are still a relatively new phenomenon (Conway, 2015) and there is a paucity of research in the literature, this literature review aims to review, examine, and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between casino proximity and urban casino communities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis Corridor. Based on the perspective of exposure and adaptation theory (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Philander, 2019), the existing literature was synthesized and discussed to justify this study. This review employed the four steps (identification, screening, eligibility, and inclusion) of the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) protocol using hand searches of Academic Search Premier, ProQuest Central, Google Scholar, PsychINFO, and SocINDEX databases (Browning and Rigolon, 2019). Multiple search terms, including casino proximity, casino accessibility, casino location, casino community, urban gambling, urban casinos, casino proximity and socioeconomic status, casino proximity and problem gambling, and Northeast casinos, and several different combinations of the preceding terms, were used to search for academic articles and studies that covered or referenced the search terms.

Historical overview of gambling

Screening of the remaining 99 papers, and as a result, 26 papers were excluded. The eligibility of the remaining 73 papers for this review was based on the relevance of the dissertation, authority, and the latest nature of the comprehensive standards (Browning and Rigolon, 2019). While clarifying the application of each paper to this review, authority examined each paper to determine academic applicable possibilities and pee r-review standards. In order to evaluate the latest nature, Google School was the main source of information, and the number of recruitment of each reviewed paper was determined (Mensah, 2019). Reading the full text of each paper was part of the qualitative evaluation process, and it turned out that 18 papers were inappropriate. Thus, the 55 papers finally met the criteria for this literature review.

In this review, we will introduce related literature that supports the topic of proximity to the casino in the northeastern city casino community. (i) Historical overview of gambling, including casino gambling and major gambling facilities in the northeastern part, (II) Components for approaching casinos, (III) theoretical form of exposure and adaptation in the literature of casino gambling support. Gambling disorders related to casino melee research are briefly introduced as the fourth field of this overload.

Gambling has been used as a form of gambling (Ferentzy and Turner, 2012) far 4, 000 years ago. Shaffer et al. (2006) calls gambling a "various accidental games", which is restricted by "geography and legal status" (p. 427). In most states where gambling is legal, if you meet all the following three criteria, the activity is defined as gambling: "(A) Value is betted and dangerous (price) ), (B) There is an opportunity to receive valuable things as a reward (reward or prize), (c) There is an accidental element "(Tidwell et al.)

Tidwell, Welte, Barnes, and Dayanim (2015) is legalized, from states and Ken o-style games operated by states to casinos (dental, Indian operations, Parisimi Tewels), racetracks, and online gambling. The gambling was classified into 24 types:

Ken o-style games operated by the state, four kinds of charity gaming (other charity gaming such as bingo, lottery, lottery, plus, casinos and las Vegas nights), and various forms of Parisimi Chewel Gambling (Horse Racing, Dog, Dog Lace, Simaru Cast Horse Racing, Oofto Rack Betting, High Arai, Instant/ History Horse Racing, Public Gold); Types of Indian Gaming (tribal bingo parlor and tribal casinos), card rooms, social gambling, sports betting, carcatta pools, videos or electronic game consoles, online gambling (p. 14).

Colombia's special ward and all states are participating in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

Nevertheless, gambling was not always an attractive activity, but a strong connection with people with low soci o-economic backgrounds (Braverman and Shaffer, 2012; TolChard, 2015). As a result, some states banned gambling in the early 1990s, including the Nevada Gambling Act in 1910 (Petry and Blanco, 2013). However, Nevada opened his first athletic casino in 1931 as a way to earn his income after the Great Depression (Tidwell et al.), 46 years later, in 1978, a resort casino opened in Atlantic City. Since then, legalization and regulations, the spread of casinos, and the "Small Stakes Casino" (WENZ, 2014, P. 137) in South Dakota in 1989, and Riverbort Casino (Wenz, 2014) in Iowa in 1991. A new gambling form has developed. Colorado also started operating casinos in 1991, followed by Mississippi in 1992, Louisiana in 1993, and Michigan in 1999 (NOWER et al., 2017; Tidwell et al., 2015). < SPAN> Horse lottery operated by the state, ken o-style games operated by the state, four kinds of charity gaming (other charity gaming such as bingo, lottery, lottery, casino and Las Vegas Knight), various forms of pariminative gambling ( Horse racing, dog racing, Simaru cast horse racing, of f-trackberting, high alignment, instant/ historical horse racing, advance gold gambling); ), 2 types of Indian gaming (tribal bingo parlors and tribal casinos), card rooms, social gambling, sports betting, Calcatta, videos or electronic game consoles, online gambling (p. 14).

Colombia's special ward and all states are participating in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

Nevertheless, gambling was not always an attractive activity, but a strong connection with people with low soci o-economic backgrounds (Braverman and Shaffer, 2012; TolChard, 2015). As a result, some states banned gambling in the early 1990s, including the Nevada Gambling Act in 1910 (Petry and Blanco, 2013). However, Nevada opened his first athletic casino in 1931 as a way to earn his income after the Great Depression (Tidwell et al.), 46 years later, in 1978, a resort casino opened in Atlantic City. Since then, legalization and regulations, the spread of casinos, and the "Small Stakes Casino" (WENZ, 2014, P. 137) in South Dakota in 1989, and Riverbort Casino (Wenz, 2014) in Iowa in 1991. A new gambling form has developed. Colorado also started operating casinos in 1991, followed by Mississippi in 1992, Louisiana in 1993, and Michigan in 1999 (NOWER et al., 2017; Tidwell et al., 2015). Ken o-style games operated by the state, four kinds of charity gaming (other charity gaming such as bingo, lottery, lottery, plus, casinos and las Vegas nights), and various forms of Parisimi Chewel Gambling (Horse Racing, Dog, Dog Lace, Simaru Cast Horse Racing, Oofto Rack Betting, High Arai, Instant/ History Horse Racing, Public Gold); Types of Indian Gaming (tribal bingo parlor and tribal casinos), card rooms, social gambling, sports betting, carcatta pools, videos or electronic game consoles, online gambling (p. 14).

Colombia's special ward and all states are participating in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

Casino-gambling overview

In the 21st century, new gambling forms were increasing. Online or Internet casino gambling first appeared, and sports betting followed (NOWER et al.) Online gambling was on the rise from 1999 to 2011, but in 2012, Delawea provided online casino gambling. No states allowed online gambling until they were allowed. Later, Nevada and New Jersey started online casino gambling in 2013 (NOWER et al.) With the addition of a casino gambling style, GAINSBURY (2012) was online gamblers to land gambling. He pointed out that he tended to participate, but Nower et al. (2017) said it was difficult to evaluate these higher gambling activities. NOWER et al. (2017) argues that online gambling is an alternative to land gambling or just another gambling mode. Hodgins and Petry (2016) also pointed out that online gambling is small, despite the increasing gambling mode, but the proportion of the entire commercial gambling is small.

Meanwhile, the legal sports betting "limited to Nevada" (AGA, 2019, P. 32) has expanded to seven states at the end of 2018. Commercial casinos in the northeastern states (Delaware, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Lord Island), Mississippi, and West Virginia have been approved to provide sports betting on the premises. However, only Nevada, New Jersey, and West Virginia provide mobile and online sports betting in the entire state in addition to sports betting in commercial casinos. Mississippi also provides sports betting in tribal casinos, and New Mexico is the eighth state in October 2018, which provides o n-property sports betting in a tribal casino in the state (AGA, 2019, P). 14).

As a result of the increase in casinos in the United States, casino entertainment began to attract adults, creating entertainment rivals. Therefore, gambling income, especially casino gambling income, surpassed theme parks and movie theaters, pushed casino gambling to the mainstream of American entertainment (ConWay, 2015; Kerber et al., 2015; Martin et al., 2015; Martin et al. 2011; stansbury et al., 2015; Thompson and McNeilly, 2016; TSE et al., 2012). Despite these growth, casino gambling tax revenues are not the same in all. The number and type of gambling fields, the geographical position of the state, determine the gambling tax revenue.

Major northeast casino-gambling outlets

For example, in 2004, New York State's gambling tax revenue did not include commercial casino taxes, but it ranked first in total gambling tax revenue with $1. 95 billion (Walker and Jackson, 2011). Second was Illinois with $1. 355 billion, and third was New Jersey with $1. 266 billion. Meanwhile, Nevada ranked first in commercial casino tax revenue with $887 million, and New Jersey ranked second with $470 million (Walker and Jackson, 2011). Nevada and New Jersey's commercial casino tax revenues are consistent with established casino gambling destinations in the United States. As a result, legalization and casino expansion contributed to the steady growth of casino revenues from 2009 to 2014, until revenues declined from 2014 to 2015 (AGA, 2019). However, at the end of 2018, AGA (2019) reported that the U. S. casino industry recorded its highest revenues from consumer spending of $41. 68 billion, up 3. 5% from 2017 (p. 6). The major contributors to the casino revenue growth were metropolitan casinos in the three major metropolitan areas (New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore). Northeast standalone metropolitan casinos in megalopolises reported revenues that were among the top 10 for commercial casino gambling revenues outside of Nevada. There is no doubt that casino accessibility and availability play a major role in commercial casino revenues.

The RESORTS WORLD CASINO NEW YORK CITY (RWCNYC), a New York urban area, is a standaloncadino other than Nevada, $ 852 Million (approximately 850 million yen) in 2018 and the maximum amount of commercial casino gaming sales. Reported (AGA, 2019). RWCNYC, only 14 miles from the New York metropolitan area, kept the number one in 2017. The urba n-destation casino MGM National Harbor (MGM), located between Baltimore and Washington D. C., has recorded a gaming profit of over $ 700 million in third place. At the same time, Parks Casino & Racing (PARX), located on the outskirts of Philadelphia, ranked fifth in about $ 600 million. LIVE CASINO and Hotel (close to the Baltimore metropolitan area) fell in eighth place, slightly lower than $ 600 million (AGA, 2019, P. 86). Considering the positive economic effects on casinos and their state governments, the northeastern urban casinos have contributed considerably to the Host State and the United States as a whole. However, it is unknown what positive results have caused such economic benefits to the local host city community.

The prominent luxury casino resort hotel, which is always available in diet, entertainment, and gambling, is a factor that stabilizes commercial casinos. As a major destination for adult gambling and entertainment in the United States, Las Vegas, the first legal hub of gambling (Tidwell et al., 2015; Wenz, 2014), generates and reports the highest commercial casino revenue. One commercial casino market (AGA, 2019). In 2018, Las Vegas Strip reportedly reported $ 659 billion gaming, and the Atlantic City market was $ 25. 1 billion. Chicago's gambling market with established casinos was 3rd in $ 19. 5 billion. On the other hand, the two relatively new northeastern commercial casinos, Baltimore-Washington D. C., and New York, ranked 4th and 5th with $ 1880 million, $ 1450 million (AGA, 2019, P. 18. ) The Philadelphia casino market reported $ 1. 30 Billion, ranked seventh, and the Connecticut Market did not enter the top 20 commercial casino markets.

Northeast corridor urban casinos

Prior to the legalization of gambling nationwide, gambling in general, and casino gambling in particular, was not necessarily an acceptable activity, as gambling activities had connotations of organized crime (Tolchard, 2015). However, legalization and regulation began to change this perception (Petry and Blanco, 2013), transforming casino gambling into a socially acceptable activity for adults (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012). In 2019, a survey commissioned by the AGA showed that 49% of American adults accept the casino gambling industry. This is the highest rate of acceptability of the casino gambling industry recorded by the AGA, and a 4% increase from 2018.

A review of the literature reveals that gambling and casino participation are increased by the three As-access, availability, and acceptability of gambling establishments (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Conway, 2105; Shaffer et al, 2006). Ecological predictors or the three As (Conway, 2015; Tanner and Mazmanian, 2016; Tolchard, 2015) create further opportunities for casino gambling, and when casino gambling opportunities exist, the risk of gambling-related problems is likely to increase (Conway, 2015; Martin et al.). Gambling-related problems such as financial distress, mental disorders, and health problems may increase with increased gambling participation. However, gambling-related problems do not have a clear correlation with the proximity of casinos in urban areas.

There are limited research studies focusing on urban casinos and urban casino-gambling-related problems (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015). There are even fewer studies on the impact of urban casinos on the socio-economic levels of host communities. Furthermore, Hodgins and Petry (2016) posit that although overall gambling research is increasing, limited funding (Blaszczynski, 2011), mismatches between governments, various stakeholders, and academic researchers remain barriers to expanding gambling research. Therefore, this literature review is poised to advance the literature on urban casino gambling.

For over a decade, the United States has seen an influx of urban casinos. As more cities began to introduce casinos, casino gambling opportunities moved closer to metropolitan areas and therefore closer to casino patrons’ homes and workplaces (Conway, 2015; Hing and Nisbet, 2010; Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.). The legalization of gambling in the United States, the prevalence of casinos, and the social acceptability of casino gambling have increased opportunities for casino participation in urban areas and made casinos available to adults for entertainment and socialization (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al., 2011; Moore et al., 2011; Petry and Blanco, 2013; Stansbury et al., 2015; Thomas et al., 2011; Tolchard, 2015). However, urban casinos, as the newest type of land-based casino, have not been thoroughly examined in the literature (Conway, 2015).

Currently, commercial casinos in the Northeast include resort-style destination casinos and racinos. Resort casinos are also called destination casinos because they are located in destinations and major casino markets such as Atlantic City, Connecticut, and Las Vegas. Thus, destination casinos offer full-service amenities such as hotel accommodations, spas, dining options, entertainment options, and several gaming options, including live dealers (American Casino Guide, n. d.; Economopoulos, 2015). Resort-style casinos, such as the tribes' Mohegan Sun Casino and Foxwoods Casino, are not classified as commercial casinos even though they offer full-scale amenities. However, there are only a few destination casinos located close to major cities, and most are generally located in rural or suburban areas. MGM, located in National Harbor, Maryland, is the first destination resort-style casino to open in the Northeast Corridor, located approximately 14 miles from the Washington, D. C. metropolitan area (Google Maps, n. d.).

Initially, commercial casinos, such as La Shino, are opened in rural and suburbs (CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015), but some urban casinos and lacino, which are found along the northeast corridor since the mid 2000s. , New York City, Philadelphia and Baltimore (American Casino Guide, N. D .; Conway, 2015). Since the ratino is a racetrack and a casino hybrid (Kelly and Catania, 2014; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b), such a gambling place is an environment with gambling culture. Al., 2013; Redmond, 2015; Welte et al., 2016b), or in an environment (CONWAY, 2015; Welte et al., 2016b) where individuals are likely to fall into a problem gambling. However, since it is a new phenomenon, there have been few research that verifies the gambling in connection with the proximity of urban casinos (CONWAY, 2015).

New York and Pennsylvania were allowed to operate casinos (Tidwell et al., 2015), but the Filadelphia metropolitan area has three urban casinos: HARRAHS PHILADELPHIA CASINO AND ACK , PARX and Sugarhouse Casino opened in 2007 and 2010 (CONWAY, 2015). Live Casino opened in Maryland, which takes six years to obtain a permit of a casino operation (Tidwell et al.) The first urban casino was held in the Baltimore metropolitan area. It was 2012. Two years later, Baltimore opened Horseshoe Casino Baltimore in August 2014.

Casino proximity

The city of New York, located between Philadelphia's metro casinos and Voltimore casinos, opened the first urban casino, RWCNYC, in October 2011. Within a year of the opening, RWCNYC's slot income exceeded the connecticut, Atlantic City tribal casinos and lan d-based detinating casinos (Bagli, 2012). RWCNYC has been reported in major news media, including New York Times, New York Daily News, and other local media and regional media. RWCNYC also surpassed the thre e-city casino (CONWAY, 2015) in the Philadelphia and the Baltimore metropolitan area. Empire City Casino, which opened in Yonkers, New York in 2007, is easy to access from New York City (Google Maps, N. D.), and Yonkers is not considered to be a part of the New York metropolitan area. , Empire City was also outside the rank. The coastline of Connecticut and the Boston urban area do not have an urban casino.

Leusino, unlike the description casinos, is not a new form of gambling, but is a new phenomenon that is operated in large cities, especially the northeastern large cities (CONWAY, 2015). For example, Finger Lake Gaming Gaming and Lestrack in New York and Batabia Downs Casino in Batavia, respectively, have changed their brand name when the casino was installed in 2004 and 2005. It is a place (Kelly and Catania, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are extended of existing racetracks with racetrack gambling culture. RWCNYC and EMPIRE CITY are approaching Atlantic City and Mohegan in Atlantic City and Connecticat because of accessories of 45 minutes (Google Maps, N. D.), 15 to 20 minutes by car from the center of Manhattan, close to New York Urban. There is no need to take two hours by car to SUN casinos.

Similarly, PARX, close to the urban area of Philadelphia, initially opened as Keystone Racetrack in 1974, officially opened as a commercial casino in December 2010 (CONWAY, 2015). Chester's Harrahs Philadelphia Casino and Racetrack began about 14. 5 miles from the 30th Street Station in Philadelphia, but a live table game was allowed in 2010. Onway, 2015; Parmley, 2010). Sugar House Casino is currently called Rivers Casino Philadelphia and is an urba n-type independent commercial casino without a rage track in the city of Philadelphia. < SPAN> Leusino, unlike the destination casinos, is not a new form of gambling, but is a new phenomenon that is operated in large cities, especially the northeastern large cities (CONWAY, 2015). For example, Finger Lake Gaming Gaming and Lestrack in New York and Batabia Downs Casino in Batavia, respectively, have changed their brand name when the casino was installed in 2004 and 2005. It is a place (Kelly and Catania, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are extended of existing racetracks with racetrack gambling culture. RWCNYC and EMPIRE CITY are approaching Atlantic City and Mohegan in Atlantic City and Connecticat because of accessories of 45 minutes (Google Maps, N. D.), 15 to 20 minutes by car from the center of Manhattan, close to New York Urban. There is no need to take two hours by car to SUN casinos.

Similarly, PARX, close to the urban area of Philadelphia, initially opened as Keystone Racetrack in 1974, officially opened as a commercial casino in December 2010 (CONWAY, 2015). Chester's Harrahs Philadelphia Casino and Racetrack began about 14. 5 miles from the 30th Street Station in Philadelphia, but a live table game was allowed in 2010. Onway, 2015; Parmley, 2010). Sugar House Casino is currently called Rivers Casino Philadelphia and is an urba n-type independent commercial casino without a rage track in the city of Philadelphia. Leusino, unlike the description casinos, is not a new form of gambling, but is a new phenomenon that is operated in large cities, especially the northeastern large cities (CONWAY, 2015). For example, Finger Lake Gaming Gaming and Lestrack in New York and Batabia Downs Casino in Batavia, respectively, have changed their brand name when the casino was installed in 2004 and 2005. It is a place (Kelly and Catania, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are extended of existing racetracks with racetrack gambling culture. RWCNYC and EMPIRE CITY are approaching Atlantic City and Mohegan in Atlantic City and Connecticat because of accessories of 45 minutes (Google Maps, N. D.), 15 to 20 minutes by car from the center of Manhattan, close to New York Urban. There is no need to take two hours by car to SUN casinos.

Exposure and adaptation theories

On the other hand, there is no casino in the Volchimore metropolitan area. Nevertheless, in December 2016, the MGM decorated the Maryland Nachrine Harbor Skyline and joined both urban casinos and resor t-style description casinos. MGM is the first Northeast Urban resort style that opened about 14 miles (Google Maps, N. D.) from the Washington D. C. Metropolitan area, opened close to the major metropolitan areas. In the Baltimore metropolitan area, there is an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from the Hannover live, and is only five miles from the BWI Amtrak Railway Station. There is no racetrack for live or horseshoe, but it is within a radius of 10 to 15 miles from the Laurel Maps, N. D., where horse racing has been held since 1911. As a whole, the racetrack provides more gambling opportunities based on the established gambling culture of betting at the racetrack. However, there are still few research on urban casinos, whether or not it is Racino. There is also less research on how the proximity of the northeastern urban casinos affect the host community.

As a whole, gambling legalization and regulations have changed their perceptions of gambling, and legal gambling activities have become more favorable (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Petry and Blanco, 2013). Lotus lottery and scratc h-off tickets born by legalization are still easy to get in many local facilities as part of many American adults everyday life (Petry and Blanco, 2013). The inflow of casinos, including urban casino gambling (CONWAY, 2015), is also a factor in pushing casino gambling in general to the mainstream of American entertainment (Martin et al.) < Span> There is no casino in the area. Nevertheless, in December 2016, the MGM decorated the Maryland Nachrine Harbor Skyline and joined both urban casinos and resor t-style description casinos. MGM is the first Northeast Urban resort style that opened about 14 miles (Google Maps, N. D.) from the Washington D. C. Metropolitan area, opened close to the major metropolitan areas. In the Baltimore metropolitan area, there is an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from the Hannover live, and is only five miles from the BWI Amtrak Railway Station. There is no racetrack for live or horseshoe, but it is within a radius of 10 to 15 miles from the Laurel Maps, N. D., where horse racing has been held since 1911. As a whole, the racetrack provides more gambling opportunities based on the established gambling culture of betting at the racetrack. However, there are still few research on urban casinos, whether or not it is Racino. There is also less research on how the proximity of the northeastern urban casinos affect the host community.

As a whole, gambling legalization and regulations have changed their perceptions of gambling, and legal gambling activities have become more favorable (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Petry and Blanco, 2013). Lotus lottery and scratc h-off tickets born by legalization are still easy to get in many local facilities as part of many American adults everyday life (Petry and Blanco, 2013). The inflow of casinos, including urban casino gambling (CONWAY, 2015), is also a factor in pushing casino gambling in general to the mainstream of American entertainment (Martin et al.). There is no casino. Nevertheless, in December 2016, the MGM decorated the Maryland Nachrine Harbor Skyline and joined both urban casinos and resor t-style description casinos. MGM is the first Northeast Urban resort style that opened about 14 miles (Google Maps, N. D.) from the Washington D. C. Metropolitan area, opened close to the major metropolitan areas. In the Baltimore metropolitan area, there is an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from the Hannover live, and is only five miles from the BWI Amtrak Railway Station. There is no racetrack for live or horseshoe, but it is within a radius of 10 to 15 miles from the Laurel Maps, N. D., where horse racing has been held since 1911. As a whole, the racetrack provides more gambling opportunities based on the established gambling culture of betting at the racetrack. However, there are still few research on urban casinos, whether or not it is Racino. There is also less research on how the proximity of the northeastern urban casinos affect the host community.

Adaptation theory

Urban casino gambling is more accessible, available, and accepted in the Northeast. However, the increased risk of urban casino gambling participation may impact the prevalence of gambling-related problems, such as financial distress, mental disorders, and health problems (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al., 2011; Stansbury et al., 2015; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013; Turner et al., 2018) among casino patrons and the community at large, but the literature is understudied. Little research has been found on urban casinos and how they affect their host environments in large cities. This paper therefore provides a better understanding of urban casino gambling in the Northeast Corridor.

After an extensive literature review, it became clear that there is no clear definition of casino proximity. Griswold and Nichols (2006) found that when casino proximity was defined as 15 miles or more from an MSA, the size of the variable (casino proximity) decreased and became statistically insignificant (p. 390). Similarly, the time/distance an individual or group used/traveled to go to a casino was also used in studies that defined casino accessibility and casino proximity (Conway, 2015; Robitaille and Herjean, 2008). While some literature defines casino proximity as the “physical or driving distance between the (participant’s) residential address and the nearest casino” (Tong and Chim, 2013, p. 4; Welte et al., 2004), other studies have shown that the distance between casino gaming venues and an individual’s home varies depending on the researcher’s definition of casino proximity (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Tong and Chim, 2013).

One study was conducted nationwide for the National Gambling Impact Study Commission (the US Gambling Investigation Committee) reported that casinos within 50 miles from their own home contribute to gamblin g-related issues. (Gerstein et al. According to a previous study, 10 miles from personal home showed the possibility of gamblin g-related issues (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013). Since there are no standard definitions, measurements, or tools that define the proximity, the terms of high and low casinos are discovered by the research analyzed in systematic reviews. Is done before a large amount of urban casinos and racino flowing in (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

CONWAY (2015 )'s Filadelphia Urban Casino Property Casino Research focuses on the vulnerability of gambling in Philadelphia's commercial casinos using vulnerability modeling. Developed a vulnerability model of the geographic information system (GIS), the most vulnerable person in the gambling was determined to be based on the proximity scale of the casino. The survey shows that the three casinos in the city of Philadelphia are located in areas that are likely to fall into a problem gambling, but are limited to secondary data. The firs t-known study reported on one aspect of urban casino gambling in Megalopolis's largest cities, this study provided a framework for gambling vulnerabilities in the Philadelphia urban casino community. ConWay (2015) claimed that the spread of casinos to a large city was a deviation from the past where the casino was located in a small and mediu m-sized town, and there was a gap in literature on geographical research (P). . twenty one). < SPAN> National Gambling Impact Impact Study Commission (US Gambling Investigation Committee) reveals that a casino within 50 miles from the personal home contributes to gamblin g-related issues. Reported (Gerstein et al. In an earlier study, 10 miles from personal home showed the possibility of gambling (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013). In addition, since there are no standard definitions, measurements, or tools that define the proximity of casinos, the terms of high and low casino proximity are found in a research analyzed in systematic reviews. These studies are conducted before a large amount of urban casinos and racino (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

Gambling disorder

CONWAY (2015 )'s Filadelphia Urban Casino Property Casino Research focuses on the vulnerability of gambling in Philadelphia's commercial casinos using vulnerability modeling. Developed a vulnerability model of the geographic information system (GIS), the most vulnerable person in the gambling was determined to be based on the proximity scale of the casino. The survey shows that the three casinos in the city of Philadelphia are located in areas that are likely to fall into a problem gambling, but are limited to secondary data. The firs t-known study reported on one aspect of urban casino gambling in Megalopolis's largest cities, this study provided a framework for gambling vulnerabilities in the Philadelphia urban casino community. ConWay (2015) claimed that the spread of casinos to a large city was a deviation from the past where the casino was located in a small and mediu m-sized town, and there was a gap in literature on geographical research (P). . twenty one). One study was conducted nationwide for the National Gambling Impact Study Commission (the US Gambling Investigation Committee) reported that casinos within 50 miles from their own home contribute to gamblin g-related issues. (Gerstein et al. According to a previous study, 10 miles from personal home showed the possibility of gamblin g-related issues (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013). Since there are no standard definitions, measurements, or tools that define the proximity, the terms of high and low casinos are discovered by the research analyzed in systematic reviews. Is done before a large amount of urban casinos and racino flowing in (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

The proximity to the casino is also investigated in a qualitative gambling study, and researchers (2011) have mult i-dimensional accessories as one of the correlation factors for the casino. He said, "It has not been fully understood yet" (P. 88) indicated that the dependence on a casino could lead to gambling. However, the participants in the investigation considered gambling as a safe social activity.

Frequent gambling in casinos has some literature evidence that gamblin g-related issues such as problem gambling and gambling disorders can increase the risk of gamblin g-related issues (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; conflander, 2015; 2019; stansbury et al.) Also, several authors have reported that the proximity of casinos may increase the possibility of gambling participation based on the proximity scale (PHILANDER, 2019; Welte et al. 2016a, 2016b; Welte et al., 2004; XOURIDAS, 2016). However, the components of the constituent casino are not widely evaluated in urban casino research.

Discussion

We surveyed two ecological components (accessibility and avenei lucility) of casino melee from the viewpoint of the framework of exposure theory (2007), and found the relevance of casino melee and problem gambling. Under the framework of exposure theory, Shaffer et al. (2004) said that casinos could be called toxins, which could cause infectious diseases such as gamblin g-related issues. Conway, 2015; welte et al., 2017; welte et al., 2016a; welte et al., 2016b; Welte et al., 2004; Xouridas et al., 2016) He also reported that access and use as components are associated with gamblin g-related issues such as gambling. Although it is limited, the literature in this field also indicates the ease of access to the casino and the highly gambling rate of the problem due to the proximity of the casino (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Barness et al., 2013 CONWAY, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.)

The earliest description of exposure theory in the gambling literature dates back to a paper by Shaffer, LaBrie, and LaPlante (2004), which attempted to define a community exposure model (REM) to quantify the developing gambling research as a new research topic. According to Shaffer et al. (2004), exposure theory posits that environmental toxins may increase the likelihood of diseases associated with such toxins. Researchers have found that gambling-related problems may result from exposure to environmental toxins, such as casinos, affecting the health and well-being of communities and societies at large (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Philander, 2019).

The REM was therefore designed to explore various social phenomena, particularly gambling, by linking the physical accessibility of gambling establishments to the individual's response to such exposure (Shaffer et al., 2004; Vasiliadis et al., 2013). Furthermore, Shaffer et al. (2004) explain that in addition to environmental factors, various social environments can also influence gambling participation, potentially resulting in negative consequences for individuals and communities. For example, the proximity of gambling establishments to communities or neighborhoods with frequent gamblers, or employment in casinos or other gambling establishments, may increase the levels of toxicity and infections brought about by exposure to gambling (Shaffer et al.). Prentice and Zeng (2018) also cite gambling advertising as a factor in gambling participation.

Adaptation theory complements exposure theory, but also competes with its opposite. Introduced into the gambling literature just over a decade ago (Prentice and Zeng, 2018), adaptation theory suggests that resistance and adaptation to toxins can occur over time. This concept, called the “adaptation effect,” explains adjustments in “mature gambling markets” (Hodgins and Petry, 2016, p. 1517; Shaffer, 2005). Prentice and Zeng (2018) hypothesized that individuals exposed to novel environmental toxins may adapt over time, especially as markets reach saturation.

Therefore, the adaptation theory has achieved adaptation and resistance to toxins over time after the first increase in the number of harmful reactions (gamblin g-related issues) exposed to these new environmental toxins (casinos). Shaffer, 2007) suggests that the symptoms will decrease afterwards (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Prentice and Zeng, 2018). Welte and others (2017) explain in a previous study that those who have been living in a mature gambling community (such as Las Vegas and Atlantic City) do not gamble more than those who are not. This hypothesis is assumed to be a description casino in a mature gambling community (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Shaffer, 2005), but the urban casino community is demonstrated from the perspective of adaptation because of the newness of this phenomenon. Not verified.

Despite the fact that the first contact with the toxins (casinos) may lead to infection, the increase in toxins (casinos) does not always increase gambling (Laplainte and Shaffer, 2007; Prentice and Zeng, 2018; Shaffer et al., 2004). However, some studies (Welte et al., 2017; welte et al., 2016a; welte et al., 2016b; welte et al., 2004; Xouridas et al., 2016) It also reports that there is a possibility of gambling participation based on the scale of gender. Conversely, Prentice and Zeng (2018) proved that there was no decisive relationship between gambling exposure and related issues related to exposure.

The double framework of exposure theory and the theory of adaptation is reported only for limited application (Shaffer et al., 2004; Welte et al.) Limited casino approach. While other gambling studies used the viewpoint of exposure theory, there were few studies using the viewpoint of adaptation theory (Prentice and Zeng, 2018; Welte et al.) Recently, the aspect of the adaptation theory is Casino. And in the gambling literature, the minimum application of empirical data was reported (Philander, 2019).

Data availability

PHILANDER (2019) investigated the regional impact of casino use of gambling and occurring gambling issues. Philander (2019) has found that both gambling and problem gambling risks increase after exposure to casinos has increased. In this study, focusing on the viewpoint of exposure theory and adaptation theory, the viewpoint of each theory was examined using a larg e-scale sample (n = 50, 048) that covers the four states of Canada. Based on the results, Philander (2019) reports that "the empirical knowledge provides evidence of exposure and adaptability as mentioned by Laplante and Shaffer (2007)" (p. 176). There is. However, due to the large sample size, there were limits such as generalization of other future research.

References

A clear relationship between gambling disorders and approaching casinos is worth discussing in this literature review. Gambling disorders were used to be a pathological gambling, but Diagnostic and Statistical Of Mental Disorder-Fifth Edition ([DSM-5] Odgins and Petry, 2016; Rash and Petry, 2016 In the stinchfield et al., 2016; Temcheff et al., 2016), it was renamed gambling and was r e-categorized into the category of "materia l-related and dependent disorder" from impulsive control disorders.
Problem gambling is defined as the second most severe in gambling (DSM-IV-TR] Sychiatric Association, 2000) However, the gambling is usually related to one or more gambling for other purposes (Barness et al. Regardless of the gambling, both gambling and gambling are indispensable elements that are essential for casinos and gambling research.
In gambling literature, gambling disorders and problem gambling are often used in the same sense, but research that investigates the social and economic aspects of casinos and casino gambling is generally used. (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; BARNES ET Al., 2016; Conway, Gattis and Cunningham-Williams, 2011; 2016; Stanbury et l., 2015; Tong and chim, 2013; Turner et al., 2018; welte et al., 2016a; welte et al., 2016b).
Overall, gamblin g-related issues that lead to gambling and gambling disorders are not shown, are not found, and are not discovered until the difficulties worsen. Adult gamblers, facing gambling problems, hide such problems because they suffer without being discovered, ashamed, shame, guilt, and lack of knowledge of places to seek help (Baxter et al., 2016) ; Kerber et al., 2015; Martin et al., 2011, Stansbury et al., 2015). Gambling-related issues can lead to intervention, prevention, and increase in treatment (Gattis and Cunningham-williams, 2011; Stansbury et al., 2015; Walker and Sobel, 2016). However, gambling research (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Thompson and McNeilly, 2016) and gambling education (Engels et al.)
The fact that casinos are close to the urban community in the metropolitan area, including New York City, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, is for the ecology prediction factors of three ASs: accessibility, availability, and accessories. It has been supported (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; ConWay, 2015; TolChard, 2015). However, these ecological prediction factors have not been fully investigated in urban casinos in the northeast. When examined in the context of approaching casinos and gambling gambling in the context of approaching casinos and the use of casinos, related questions were reported (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al. , 2011; TolChard, 2015; TSE et al., 2012; Turner et al., 2018; Welte et al.) Accessibility and Availability can affect urban casino gambling participation based on proximity to urban casinos. One important ecological factor (CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). In addition, access and use of urban casinos can reduce the need to go to the suburbs to participate in casino gambling, combined with casino gambling acceptance.
State governments continue to realize substantial tax revenues from legalizing and regulating gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013). However, it is unclear how casino gambling revenues in major Northeastern cities are being delivered back to local communities. Researchers (Griswold and Nichols, 2006; Philander, 2019; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013) explain that casinos can have positive effects on the socio-economic levels of communities, including employment, sponsorship of local events, and redevelopment. Walker and Sobel (2016) argue that those positive socio-economic benefits may occur over time, while Lim and Zhang (2017) argue that such realized benefits are unsustainable. Conversely, casinos may also induce crime, create undesirable businesses (e. g., pawn shops, payday loans, and check cashing stores), and lead to problem gambling (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013). Thus, casinos may have negative impacts on host cities despite the potential positive socio-economic benefits to the host economy. As urban casinos continue to proliferate in large cities in the Northeast Corridor, the changing ecological landscape of these urban communities requires a deeper understanding of how urban casinos affect the overall socio-economic conditions of these communities, including the risks and benefits of urban casinos, a relatively new phenomenon. Additionally, several researchers (Barnes et al., 2013; Conway, 2015; Goss et al., 2009; Redmond, 2015; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b) have noted that poor and socio-economically disadvantaged areas have more gambling venues than economically advantaged areas, and most urban casinos are located in areas that already have a gambling culture. Many urban casinos are also racetracks, so at least two types of gambling are offered (racetrack and casino). Northeastern urban racinos only operate VLT slot machines and electronic table games such as roulette and blackjack, and live dealers are not permitted. Slot machine play can be isolating without access to live dealers to foster socialization. Moreover, slot machines are the most addictive form of casino gambling (Welte et al.); therefore, exposure to casinos in high gambling areas may increase gambling-related problems.
While the exposure theory perspective has been used to focus casino proximity research, the adaptation theory perspective (LaPlante and Shaffer, 2007; Prentice and Zeng, 2018) has not been empirically tested in casino proximity research or casino gambling research. Nor have any studies found the co-existence of both theories. Considering the ecological factors that influence casino participation (accessibility, availability, and acceptability), casino adoption in large cities, and the socio-economic impacts as a result of increasing ecological factors, the exposure and adaptation theories were appropriate to discuss the impact of casino proximity in urban casino communities in the Northeast.
This literature review provides practical implications for all stakeholders and shows the association between casino proximity and increased casino participation for three ecological predictors (accessibility, availability, and acceptability). Problem gambling and other gambling-related problems, which are associated with casino proximity, may affect socio-economic outcomes in urban casino communities, but research is limited. Redmond (2015) suggested that as casinos increase, inequality at low socio-economic levels also increases. Therefore, research is needed to examine urban casinos and their impacts on host and neighboring communities in major Northeastern cities.
Prentice and Zeng (2018) state that the casino business is one of the fastest growing industries in the world. Research in casino gambling studies has not kept up with the changes in the ecosystem caused by the influx of urban casinos. Urban casinos remain a new phenomenon, especially in major Northeastern cities such as New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore (Conway, 2015). Proximity to casinos as a construct in urban casino research has yet to emerge. While this review may be of interest to the casino gaming industry, policymakers, and social service professionals, more research focused on understanding the socio-economic impacts of urban casinos due to casino proximity is warranted.
No data sets were created or analyzed in this study, so data sharing does not apply to this paper.
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Plans for futuristic 500ft submersible superyacht with onboard spa & helipad for 20 guests to travel in complete luxury

I am grateful to Georgia Rose and Margaret Francis for providing useful suggestions.

A surprising plan for a futuristic yacht promised to take the guests to the water completely and changed the gorgeous games.

Migaroo M5 is the world's first diving super yacht, with a ship spa, a heliport, and an outdoor movie theater. Migaroo M5 is a futuristic underwater super yacht This impressive underwater beast can reach up to 40 knots when you dive completely underwater

This gorgeous ship boasts an amazing interior design.

This ship, which is suitable for both tropical and polar environments, can be completely underwater for about 4 weeks with a depth of 820 feet.

For comparison, HMS Astuto, a representative British Navy submarine, looks like an infant just 318 feet.

The sailor's paradise yacht is expected to have a speed of 12 knots in the water and the cruising range at the time of ascending is 8, 000 nautical areas or more.

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The superbat contains two floors that can be used for two explorers, 12. 5-meter limousine tender, water and land cruises.

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Migaloo's founder and CEO Christian Gun Pold said that the owners of these Super Yacht submarines could cost more than $ 2 billion. A super luxury with 448 guests with a 79 0-foot mega yacht "Floating Ritz" Migaroo's Super Yacht is Credit: Migalooo that can adapt to most climate The owner's bedroom alone has 6889 square feet, and there is a spacious space Credit: Migaloo

Entertainment such as pools and jacuzzi is also fully equipped.

"We believe that private submarines will be the most luxury and most expensive ones that can be owned by people.

"Only the company in the world offers super yach t-sized private submarine."

He said that the super yacht owners are becoming more and more young, and they are looking for a special and unique design.

The normal "water yacht is not so interesting for them, but a private submarine."

"We have a very deep knowledge of the yacht industry and understand not only the billionaire but also the super wealthy.

"We are sensitive to fashion, and we believe that the submarine Super Yacht is the future of the yacht."

According to Boat International reports, Gangold said that private submarines would add a completely new dimension to the sea search.

He says: "In addition to motor yachts and sailing yachts, I think the submarin e-type super yacht will be a new category of private ships that the owner can choose.

The company's spokeswoman explains that the owner can also select the shipyards and other major partners on their ship.

However, the Migaroo PSY team explains, "You can supervise all partners, including engineering, construction, maritime trial driving, outfitting, hand over to the owner, afte r-sales service, and yacht management."

The organization can also supervise the development of special knowledge training for crew and captain.

On the other hand, the most expensive super yacht in the world is a masterpiece of 4 billion pounds, with the side of the gold plating and the walls of T-REX bones.

This flashy florter should be a spectacular sight, but no one has actually seen it, so it is still wrapped in a mystery.

The ship, named History Spreum, is covered with 100, 000 kilometers and is dazzling with jewelry, but most people do not believe it.

Handrails, decks, dining areas, and even the base of the ship were wrapped in gold, and even the anchor was specially made to immerse it in a gold liquid.

At the request of a mysterious Malaysian billionaire, artist Stuart Hughes was designed.

Rit z-Carlton Yacht Collection introduced a new super yacht named Irma with a ferry spa and gym in social media vision.

The luxurious boat photos are decorated like a 5-star hotel room, and a cabin connected to the private terrace overlooking the sea is waiting for guests.

There is also a huge deck where you can take a sunshine on a sun bed.

There is a bar behind the pool, and there is also an independent and huge dining area.

Elim Poon - Journalist, Creative Writer

Last modified: 27.08.2024

The effect of casino proximity and time on poverty levels in New York City examines levels of poverty over a 5-year duration for urban casino communities. research is on the effects The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: a literature review – Humanities and Social Sciences Communications. The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: a literature review · Paulette J. O'Gilvie. Sociology, Geography. Humanities and Social Sciences.

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The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities a literature review Humanities and

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The effects of casino proximity and time on poverty levels in New York City

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Introduction

Methods

Results from the literature

Historical overview of gambling

Casino-gambling overview

Major northeast casino-gambling outlets

Northeast corridor urban casinos

Casino proximity

Exposure and adaptation theories

Adaptation theory

Gambling disorder

Discussion

Data availability

References

Acknowledgements

Plans for futuristic 500ft submersible superyacht with onboard spa & helipad for 20 guests to travel in complete luxury

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