Toward a New Social Contract The Participation of Civil Society in Swedish Welfare Policymaking

Toward a New Social Contract? The Participation of Civil Society in Swedish Welfare Policymaking, 1958–2012

To contribute to the current debate on the changing role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, we examine the participation of different types of civil society organizations in national welfare policymaking in Sweden from 1958 to 2012. Using an extensive dataset of more than 1, 400 civil society, state, and for-profit organizations, we examine three arguments related to the role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare governance: a changing balance between corporatist and welfare organizations, a shift from voice to services, and another shift from non-profit organizations to FPOs. Our results reveal new, albeit weak, trends emerging in line with changing patterns of corporatism and marketization in the Swedish welfare system. However, support for the shift from voice to services remains uncertain.

Résumé

Against the backdrop of the current debate on the changing role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, we examine the involvement of different types of civil society organizations in the Swedish national social policymaking process from 1958 to 2012. Using a large dataset of more than 1, 400 civil society, state, and nonprofit organizations, I examine three statements related to the role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare governance. My results show that subtle trends emerge, which coincide with changing patterns of corporatism and marketization in the welfare system. However, the shift from voice to service delivery cannot be said with certainty.

Zusammenfassung

As a contribution to the current debate on the changing role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, I examine the involvement of different types of civil society organizations in national social policy-making in Sweden between 1958 and 2012. Using a comprehensive dataset of more than 1, 400 civil society, government and for-profit organizations, I test three propositions regarding the role and responsibilities of civil society in the governance of social issues. My findings reveal weak but emerging trends that coincide with changing patterns of corporatism and marketization in the Swedish welfare system. However, there is still no solid evidence of a transition from a representative to a service-delivery system.

Resumen

As a contribution to the current debate on the changing role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, I examine the involvement of different types of civil society organizations in national welfare policy in Sweden between 1958 and 2012. Using an extensive dataset of over 1, 400 civil society, state and for-profit organisations, we examine three propositions related to the role and responsibilities of civil society in welfare governance: a shift in the balance between corporatist and welfare organisations, a shift from condemnation to service, and another shift from non-profit to for-profit organisations. As a result, new trends emerge, albeit weak, with changing patterns of corporatism and marketisation in the Swedish welfare system. However, support for the shift from condemnation to service remains uncertain.

Chinese

Arabic

As part of the current discussion on the role and changes in responsibilities in the arrangement of national welfare, I am from various types of citizen social organizations in Sweden's national welfare policy from 1958 to 2012. We investigated participation. Based on large datasets consisting of more than 1, 400 civil society, nations, and fo r-profit organizations, three claims about the role and responsibility of civil society in welfare governance: Changes in corporate and social organizations. It is another transition from the voice, and another transition from no n-profit organization to profit organization (FPO). My survey revealed a weak yet new trend in line with the changes in marketing patterns of companies and welfare systems in Sweden. However, support for shifts from voice to service remains uncertain.

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Introduction

Among the issues that are widely discussed about civil society, the change in the role of civil society organizations (CSO) in the agreement of the welfare state has long been attracting scholars (Smith-Rathgeb and Lipsky 1993; Henriksen et al In response to economic and political changes, CSO is increasingly encouraged in many countries in Europe and the United States to strengthen its activities as a public welfare producer (BODE 2006; Hogg and Baines 2011). 。 In fact, CSO is an important part of both policy planning and government, because of the legitimacy of CSO's knowledge and the ability to develop policy solutions to overcome the issues of modern welfare nations. 2005). As a ring of current discussions on the role of civil society and changes in responsibilities in the arrangement of national welfare, I have a variety of citizens in Sweden's national welfare policy from 1958 to 2012. We investigated the participation of social organizations. Based on large datasets consisting of more than 1, 400 civil society, nations, and fo r-profit organizations, three claims about the role and responsibility of civil society in welfare governance: Changes in corporate and social organizations. It is another transition from the voice, and another transition from no n-profit organization to profit organization (FPO). My survey revealed a weak yet new trend in line with the changes in marketing patterns of companies and welfare systems in Sweden. However, support for shifts from voice to service remains uncertain.

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Among the issues that are widely discussed about civil society, the change in the role of civil society organizations (CSO) in the agreement of the welfare state has been attracting scholars for a long time In response to economic and political changes, CSO is increasingly encouraged in many countries in Europe and the United States to strengthen its activities as a public welfare producer (BODE 2006; Hogg and Baines 2011). 。 In fact, CSO is important in both policy planning and administration, because of the legitimacy of CSO's knowledge and the ability to develop policy solutions to overcome the issues of modern welfare nations (EVERS). 2005). As part of the current discussion on the role and changes in responsibilities in the arrangement of national welfare, I am from various types of citizen social organizations in Sweden's national welfare policy from 1958 to 2012. We investigated participation. Based on large datasets consisting of more than 1, 400 civil society, nations, and fo r-profit organizations, three claims about the role and responsibility of civil society in welfare governance: Changes in corporate and social organizations. It is another transition from the voice, and another transition from no n-profit organization to profit organization (FPO). My survey revealed a weak yet new trend in line with the changes in marketing patterns of companies and welfare systems in Sweden. However, support for shifts from voice to service remains uncertain.

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The Shift from Corporatist Organizations to Welfare Organizations

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In Sweden, CSOs are now expected to play a larger role in welfare reform than ever before. Long known as a prime example of an advanced welfare state with a heavy reliance on universal government welfare programs, Sweden now has a combination of welfare markets and strong public management reforms, both of which have created new conditions for civil society in welfare state configurations (Vamstad 2007; Anheier and Kendall 2012; Johansson et al.). In response, leading scholars have welcomed Sweden's new social contract as signaling a transformation in the fundamental principles of how countries should implement and manage social services. More specifically, they have noted that with the rise of for-profit organizations (FPOs) at the expense of nonprofit organizations, the traditional responsibilities of civil society have come to encompass the governance of welfare policies and the provision of more and more public services at the expense of advocacy (Wijkström 2012).

Research on civil society has also provided a range of empirical evidence to measure the magnitude of such transformations. Consistent with trends reported in the international literature, for example, some studies draw attention to the shift in political rhetoric, the division of roles, and government funding that further entrench CSOs as producers of welfare services (Wijkström and Einarsson 2006; Reuter et al.). Research also reveals that over the last two decades, FPOs have expanded their role as service providers, thereby foregrounding the transformation of the Scandinavian welfare model (Blomqvist 2013; Burström 2015). Complementing this picture, a growing body of literature highlights challenges and opportunities, including hybridization, professionalization, and the rise of voluntarism and social entrepreneurship in civil society (Grassman and Svedberg 2007; Markström and Karlsson 2013; Hvenmark 2013; Gawell 2013). In Sweden, CSOs are now expected to play a larger role in welfare reform than ever before. Long known as a prime example of an advanced welfare state that relies heavily on universal government welfare programs, Sweden now has a combination of welfare markets and strong public management reforms, both of which have created new conditions for civil society in welfare state configurations (Vamstad 2007; Anheier and Kendall 2012; Johansson et al.). In response, leading scholars have welcomed Sweden’s new social contract as signaling a transformation in the fundamental principles of how countries should implement and manage social services. More specifically, they have noted that with the rise of for-profit organizations (FPOs) at the expense of nonprofits, the traditional responsibilities of civil society have come to encompass the governance of welfare policies and the provision of more and more public services at the expense of advocacy (Wijkström 2012).

Research on civil society has also provided a range of empirical evidence to gauge the magnitude of such transformations. Consistent with trends reported in the international literature, for example, some studies draw attention to the shift in political rhetoric, the division of roles, and government funding that further entrench CSOs as producers of welfare services (Wijkström and Einarsson 2006; Reuter et al.). Research also reveals that over the last two decades, FPOs have expanded their role as service providers, thereby foregrounding the transformation of the Scandinavian welfare model (Blomqvist 2013; Burström 2015). Complementing this picture, a growing body of literature highlights challenges and opportunities, including hybridization, professionalization, and the rise of voluntarism and social entrepreneurship in civil society (Grassman and Svedberg 2007; Markström and Karlsson 2013; Hvenmark 2013; Gawell 2013). In Sweden, CSOs are now expected to play a larger role in welfare reform than ever before. Long known as a prime example of an advanced welfare state that relies heavily on universal government welfare programs, Sweden now has a combination of welfare markets and strong public management reforms, both of which have created new conditions for civil society in welfare state configurations (Vamstad 2007; Anheier and Kendall 2012; Johansson et al.). In response, leading scholars have welcomed Sweden’s new social contract as signaling a transformation in the fundamental principles of how countries should implement and manage social services. More specifically, they have noted that with the rise of for-profit organizations (FPOs) at the expense of nonprofits, the traditional responsibilities of civil society have come to encompass the governance of welfare policies and the provision of more and more public services at the expense of advocacy (Wijkström 2012).

From Voice to Service

While researchers have paid ample attention to the role and responsibilities of civil society in the output of the political system, i. e., the implementation of social welfare, they have neglected the input of civil society in the formation of public policies. Moreover, with few exceptions (Lundberg 2012), researchers have not taken a historical perspective when examining the transformations, and as a result, there remains an incomplete awareness of the magnitude and direction of the shifts in the roles and responsibilities of civil society that have emerged in recent decades. Thus, there is a lack of knowledge about the characteristics of the actors that control the transformation of the welfare state and generate policy initiatives, ideas, and legitimacy in policy decisions. In contrast, empirical historical knowledge is needed to understand the direction and magnitude of the transformations regarding the roles and responsibilities of civil society.

This study aimed to contribute to this shortcoming by analysing the participation of civil society in welfare policymaking in Sweden from 1958 to 2012. In particular, we aimed to clarify the extent to which Sweden's supposed new social contract since the second half of the twentieth century has involved new roles and responsibilities of CSOs in the country's welfare policymaking. To this end, we refer to three arguments in the research on CSOs and interest groups: the change in the balance between corporatist and welfare organizations, the shift from voice to service, and the shift from nonprofits to FPOs.

I collected empirical evidence from more than 1400 CSOs, national actors, and market officials in the Swedish national policy decision process. In various places where CSOs can affect policy decisions, personal contacts with parliament, media, politicians, and public affairs with public servants are most common in public policy preparation. In my study, I gained evidence from Sweden's Remise procedure, which is a specialized policy decision and is considered similar to the public discussion by documentation. This procedure has a constitutional foundation in that various subjects are legally protected to listen to their opinions in the policy decision process (REGERINGSFORMEN [Swedish Constitution] 7th Chapter 2 §). Therefore, each part of the Swedish government will discuss with CSO when preparing for policies, which are institutionalized by the system in which the government committee will investigate, prepare, and formulate new policies and laws (Lundberg 2014). )

From Nonprofit Organizations to FPOs

I analyzed the participation of organizations in the six central fields of Sweden's welfare state (childcare, disabled, medical, high school education, immigration, elderly care). By doing so, as a producer of policy concept, ideas, and even the legitimacy of the modern welfare state itself, it is possible to shed the characteristics of CSO that controls the transformation of the welfare state.

From a wider perspective, my discovery is the same in Sweden CSO participation in the same welfare state model and political context with similar trends in policies and rhilic. It suggests that it can mean change. The role and responsibilities of civil society are revealed in many western countries (Henriksen et al. Therefore, the experience of Sweden is the overall understanding of the world's civil society and in the welfare state dominated by the state. It is extremely important for its vitality I have gathered empirical evidence from more than 1400 CSOs, national actors, and market officials in the Swedish national policy. In various places where CSOs can affect the policy decision, personal contact with parliament, media, and public servants is the most common in public policy. In the study, it is a specialized policy decision, and this procedure has gained a variety of proceedings from the Swedish Remise procedure, which is considered similar to the public talk. In that the opportunity to hear opinions is legally protected, the Swedish government is preparing for policies, according to Chapter 7 of the Swedish Constitution. We will discuss with CSO at the moment, which is institutionalized by a system in which the government committee investigates, preparations, and formulating new policies and laws (Lundberg 2014).

Research Design and Definitions

From a wider perspective, my discovery is the same in Sweden CSO participation in the same welfare state model and political context with similar trends in policies and rhilic. It suggests that it can mean change. The role and responsibilities of civil society are revealed in many western countries (Henriksen et al. Therefore, the experience of Sweden is the overall understanding of the world's civil society and in the welfare state dominated by the state. It is extremely important for its vitality, and the CSO has gathered from the proprietary data of more than 1400 CSOs and market officials in the Swedish national policy. Personal contact with parliament, media, politicians and public servants in various places that can affect the decision are most common in public policies. This is a particularly instantized policy decision, and this procedure has gained an opinion in the policy decision process, which is considered to be similar to the public talk. In that it is legally protected, the Swedish government has a constitutional foundation (Swedish Constitution 2 §). This is institutionalized by a system in which the government committee is investigated, prepared, and formulate new policies and laws (Lundberg 2014).

Following this introduction, in section 2, I discuss theoretical propositions regarding the shift in the social contract with respect to the three claims, and then in section 3, I present my research design, data, measurements, and definitions. In section 4, I outline my empirical findings, focusing on potential shifts between corporatist and welfare organizations, advocacy and service-oriented organizations, and nonprofit and FPOs. Finally, in section 5, I present my conclusions.

The term social contract, often associated with thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau, refers to both the fundamental rules of how the state should be governed and the authority of the state over individuals. Moreover, the term also captures ideas about how society should be organized in terms of fundamental rights and obligations of citizens in terms of political representation, as well as principles of how social services should be arranged (Tilly 1975; Kaldor 2003; Rousseau 2009). Following this understanding, the social contract often stands as a reference point in debates on the transformation of Western welfare states and the changing roles and responsibilities of civil society and markets. Rhodes and Mény (1998) refer to the “new social contract” in their discussion of the transformation and restructuring of European welfare states, while Wijkström (2012) uses the same phrase to describe the recent transformation of the roles and responsibilities of civil society in Sweden. In either case, the idea of a social contract is related to the fundamental principles of how social services should be managed and delivered, and sometimes to changing roles and responsibilities of civil society, the state, and the market. In this paper, I use social contract in the sense of reforming the roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare governance.

The studies I cite are one on interest groups and another on civil society. Both focus on three aspects of change in the social contract: the transformation of welfare policy governance, the shift from voice to service, and the rise of FPOs. Drawing on the literature on interest groups, I first outline theoretical propositions on the change in welfare policy governance, focusing on the balance between corporatist and welfare organizations. In the second section, I draw on the literature on civil society to provide a theoretical reference point for the shift from advocacy to service. In the final third section, I outline the theoretical background of the change in terms of nonprofit organizations and FPOs.

Definitions and Dimensions of Civil Society

Regarding the governance of national welfare policymaking, researchers often take neocorporatism as a central starting point (Christiansen et al.). Corporatism is generally understood as a system of interest representation and intermediation in democracies, where a limited number of privileged organizations participate in policymaking (Schmitter 1979). Thus, scholars have generally emphasized trade unions and corporate interests as key players in the formulation of various policies, often those related to economic issues. In particular, trade unions occupy a central position in policymaking, both due to their large membership and their ability to control their members and gain legitimacy in the policymaking process, while corporate organizations, in short, control production (Williamson 1989, p. 169; Molina and Rhodes 2002). A crucial factor in such conceptualization is the assumption that both types of organizations have the necessary resources and status to control the implementation of policies among their members and thus generate social stability.

From a historical perspective, however, neo-corporatism, rather than corporatism, is often considered to capture the essence of Swedish-style policy-making and civil society participation (Rothstein and Trägårdh 2007). Indeed, Sweden ranks as the most neo-corporatist country in the world (Siaroff 1999). For much of the 20th century, major interest groups were represented on the rank-and-file committees of various government agencies, with the overall objective of controlling them, providing citizens with knowledge and perspectives, and in some cases exercising formal decision-making power over them. At the same time, government committees played a key role in policy-making, and outside of state actors, CSOs constituted the largest group of actors, not only in committees dominated by producer and worker interests, but also in popular movements.

However, since the 1980s, the institutionalist position of civil society in Swedish policy-making has weakened, as in Denmark and Norway (Blom-Hansen 2000; Lindvall and Sebring 2005). Indeed, formal participation of CSOs in government committees and agencies was formally abolished in the early 1990s. Scholars have offered various explanations for the decline of neocorporatism, including new modes of state governance, the increasing heterogeneity of civil society, and the reluctant participation of CSOs in neocorporatist institutions. In the Scandinavian literature on the subject, the central argument is that representation should be more simultaneous with pluralism (Hermansson et al. 2014).

With regard to civil society participation in welfare policymaking, the decline of neocorporatism may suggest a general weakening of the privileged position of corporatist organizations, as reflected by the increase in the participation of CSOs in welfare policymaking (Hermansson et al. 1999; Lundberg 2014). In short, the inclusion of more organizations in policymaking has made privileged patterns of participation less visible.

At the same time, the pattern of corporateism in policy decisions may be stronger than expected. Considering that Coratism is a constant phenomenon, the traditional profit representative Coratism model may not have disappeared, but may have adapted to a new political environment (Molina and Rhodes 2002). In the context, researchers have noticed the possibility that support from welfare nations may shift from unions to welfare organizations. More specifically, as the need to adjust and reduce public expenditures on welfare, organizations that can develop in connection with existing welfare programs are more privileged in policy proposal. It is now occupying its status. Mainly, in order for a state to adjust the welfare system, it requires support, legitimacy, and human resources (Pierson 2006). As a result, welfare organizations have become more privileged, indicating that these organizations in Sweden's welfare policy have decreased.

As the number of participation patterns that have been institutionally established for welfare policy planning decreased, researchers on civil society issues have repeatedly cautious about the possibility that the role of CSO will change from voice to service (Wijkström 2004; Amnå. 2006). Formally, CSOs, which were once considered as mediators of individual interests, as well as expressions and institutional expressions in society, are mainly for welfare services and producers. It has played a bigger role in the output. Interestingly, this new role reflects the role that CSO has played before the welfare state expanded.

Changes in CSO roles, which were first seen in policies and politics in the 1990s, are considered to be explained by various trends related to each other. First, as the researchers have pointed out, a shift in economic support for CSO has caused general, no n-restricted subsidies and subsidies for shor t-term contracts and commercial solutions. It was replaced (Johansson 2003). Another political rhetoric has changed. It was once officially recognized as complementing public welfare, but it is symbolized by the introduction of compact and partnership as an unofficial agreement between state, local governments, and CSO in welfare provision. In addition, CSO is becoming an alternative source of welfare provision (Morison 2000; REUTER et al.)

Results

From a policymaking perspective, much attention has been paid to the democratic role of civil society. In general, democratic politics relies on associations that mediate between individuals and the state, function as a space for collective action, and exert pressure and resistance on the political centre (Warren 2001). However, as institutional conditions increasingly facilitate and support service functions, civil society runs the risk of being marginalised in its role of providing a voice of pressure and resistance (Eikenberry and Kluver 2004; Amnå 2006). At the same time, some observers reject the argument that participation in state policymaking has shifted from voice to services (Öberg and Svensson 2012). However, it is important to keep in mind that new CSOs may enter this field over time with the goal of providing welfare services. Moreover, the potential shift from voice to services may not only be driven by state initiatives but may also result from a commitment within civil society to strengthen its role as a welfare service provider. However, empirical evidence of this change is still scarce, and in light of the above arguments, it is possible that the role of CSOs is shifting from voice to service. With regard to welfare policymaking, it can be argued that this mindset is due to the decline of organizations with advocacy as their primary objective in welfare policymaking in the second half of the 20th century.

Closely related to these changes, Scandinavian countries in general, and Sweden in particular, have experienced a shift towards decentralization and privatization (Esping-Andersen 1996; Hemerijck 2013). As the state faced fiscal crises in the 1980s and 1990s, a private sector management style called New Public Management emerged to improve the efficiency, quality and effectiveness of the public sector (Lægreid and Christensen 2013). Over time, the Swedish welfare system was gradually opened up to private service providers, and the near-monopoly of the state disappeared. Neoliberal political agendas and the growing heterogeneous needs and expectations among a more individualistic citizenry have driven this development, creating a demand for alternatives to state-led welfare services (Inglehart 1997; Hemerijck 2013).

According to demonstration research, FPOs are strengthening their status in the formation and implementation of public policy in these alternatives. According to research on CSO participation in national policy decisions, corporate organizations have increased from 14 % to 22 % between 1963 and 2009 (Lundberg 2015, p. 320), which is Hermansson et al. It supports the previous trend that P. 34) reported between 1971 and 1997. Similar trends can be seen in the balance between NPOs and FPOs in the implementation of welfare services, and the number of employees is mostly. From 2002 to 2010, the proportion of NPO employees has been flat from 4. 3 % to 4. 5 %, but the ratio of FPO employees has increased from 6. 8 % to 12. 7 % (( Hartman 2011, p. 23; Wijkström and Einarson 2006). In Sweden, the proportion of private organizations working as welfare service providers remains lower than in other countries (Meijer et al. 2000), but the abov e-mentioned discussions and empirical evidence are profitable in the late 20th century. It is considered that the proportion of groups has increased.

As a whole, this section provided the theoretical reference point for my empirical research by examining the role of civil society in the late 20th century and the main changes to be responsible. As a result, three trends have been revealed, all of which are consistent with what scholars have repeatedly asserted (Wijkström 2012). First, the decline of Coratism challenged the privileged role of labor and corporate organizations in providing welfare. Second, the governmen t-based financial support and political rhetoric changes to civil society have sacrificed an organization known for Advocacy activities, and the CSO will be active as a welfare service provider. At the same time, the rise of the privatization and marketing of welfare nations has acted as an FPOS dot in providing welfare. According to demonstration research, FPOs are strengthening their status in the formation and implementation of public policy in these alternatives. According to research on CSO participation in national policy decisions, corporate organizations have increased from 14 % to 22 % (Lundberg 2015, p. 320) between 1963 and 2009, which are Hermansson et al. (1999. It supports the previous trend that P. 34) reported between 1971 and 1997. Similar trends can be seen in the balance between NPOs and FPOs in the implementation of welfare services, and the number of employees is mostly indicating. From 2002 to 2010, the proportion of NPO employees has been flat from 4. 3 % to 4. 5 %, but the ratio of FPO employees has increased from 6. 8 % to 12. 7 %. Hartman 2011, p. 23; Wijkström and Einarson 2006). In Sweden, the proportion of private organizations working as welfare services and providers remains lower than in other countries (Meijer et al. 2000), but the above discussions and empirical evidence are profitable in the late 20th century. It is considered that the proportion of groups has increased.

As a whole, this section provided the theoretical reference point for my empirical research by examining the role of civil society in the late 20th century and the main changes to be responsible. As a result, three trends have been revealed, all of which are consistent with what scholars have repeatedly asserted (Wijkström 2012). First, the decline of Coratism challenged the privileged role of labor and corporate organizations in providing welfare. Second, the governmen t-based financial support and political rhetoric changes to civil society have sacrificed an organization known for Advocacy activities, and the CSO will be active as a welfare service provider. At the same time, the rise of the privatization and marketing of welfare nations has acted as an FPOS dot in providing welfare. According to demonstration research, FPOs are strengthening their status in the formation and implementation of public policy in these alternatives. According to research on CSO participation in national policy decisions, corporate organizations have increased from 14 % to 22 % between 1963 and 2009 (Lundberg 2015, p. 320), which is Hermansson et al. It supports the previous trend that P. 34) reported between 1971 and 1997. Similar trends can be seen in the balance between NPOs and FPOs in the implementation of welfare services, and the number of employees is mostly indicating. From 2002 to 2010, the proportion of NPO employees has been flat from 4. 3 % to 4. 5 %, but the ratio of FPO employees has increased from 6. 8 % to 12. 7 %. Hartman 2011, p. 23; Wijkström and Einarson 2006). In Sweden, the proportion of private organizations working as welfare services and providers remains lower than in other countries (Meijer et al. 2000), but the above discussions and empirical evidence are profitable in the late 20th century. It is considered that the proportion of groups has increased.

To analyze CSO participation in welfare policy formation, I derived data on the Swedish Remis procedure, a procedure in which policy proposals, called Statens Offentliga Utredningar (SOU) reports, are subject to written consideration from CSOs, government agencies, and market actors. Although various departments of the Swedish government use this procedure in policymaking, the procedure is particularly institutionalized at the final stage of government committees, which study, prepare, and develop new policies and laws. Government committees and commissions become temporary, independent research bodies whose purpose is to formulate political goals and to prepare or amend legislation on specific policies. The government committee system is an important institution in Swedish policymaking and is often associated with the neo-constitutional style of governance. Although its role in policymaking appears to have changed, government committees and the referral procedure continue to play an important role for CSOs to influence and interact with the Swedish government (Lundberg 2015; Lundberg and Hysing 2016). Compared to the Swedish government committee, the Remis procedure can be associated with a corporatist style of governance, despite its more pluralistic features (Hermansson et al. 2013). Remis is an open process in which anyone, whether organisation or individual, can participate by sending a comment on a policy proposal to the responsible ministry. Government agencies are legally obliged to respond to the referral, but other actors are not obliged to participate. It is therefore up to the individual or organisation to choose whether to actually participate in the Remis procedure. Apart from the open Remis procedure, there is a government selection process, where mainly government officials invite organisations that they think have an interest in the policy. In our dataset, 51% of the written responses from CSOs were spontaneous. However, as we aim to capture trends in CSO participation over time, we do not distinguish between spontaneous and invited comments. We therefore define participation as a written response to a committee proposal submitted spontaneously or in response to a request from the government.

I collected data from 24 lists ("Appendix") covering the years 1958–2012. The lists include 1435 activists, of which 595 are CSOs, 787 are state activists, and 53 are FPOs. The late 1950s provide a good basis for assessing what the various transformations of the Swedish welfare state mean for civil society participation. By analysing the extent to which different types of CSOs have participated in Swedish relief procedures, we can shed light on the changes in CSOs' roles and responsibilities in welfare policymaking in the second half of the 20th century.

The Limis lists include six areas dealing with broad policy themes, such as childcare, care for the disabled, high school education, immigrant integration and elderly care. From each area, I selected four comparable government committees to facilitate longitudinal comparisons. These lists are major government committees dealing with fairly broad policy reforms and programs, so I excluded committees aimed at fine-tuning existing policies or simply producing research reports. The advantage of this approach is that it avoids variation due to committee type alone, since the inclusion of relatively large committees with widespread political influence can benefit CSOs with more comprehensive agendas, such as trade unions and producer interest groups.

To assess CSO participation in the Swedish welfare political process, I selected a wide range of welfare policy areas. My reason for choosing policy areas was to include broad categories of issues that may interest different CSOs, as well as to include policies in the core areas of welfare work. The selected policy areas do not cover all aspects of the Swedish welfare system and therefore are not a representative sample, but they encompass a broad palette of policy issues that provide a comprehensive view of CSO participation in Swedish welfare policymaking.

To allow for a chronological comparison, I categorize the reflection lists submitted by the 24 government committees into four periods: 1958-1979, 1980-1989, 1990-1999, and 2000-2012. I chose 1958 as the starting point for the comparison because that is the year in which the oldest committees were founded. As Appendix 1 shows, there are fewer committees in the 1960s than in the 1990s and 2000s, but this reflects the growth of the Swedish committee system and is worth taking into account when interpreting the results. After all, committees from each policy area represent each era, and committees from each area address comparable questions and issues.

Needless to say, the concept of civil society is central to my analysis. However, in recent decades, there has been an intense debate about the theoretical foundations and usefulness of the concept (Foley and Edwards 1996; Trägårdh 2007), and as a result, there is no consensus on the conceptualization and definition of the term. Nevertheless, civil society often refers to intermediate associations, movements, and interest groups that operate between the state and the market. In this paper, we follow the best-known definition, since we conceptualize civil society as a social sphere distinct from the state, the market, and the family (Cohen and Arato 1992; Foley and Edwards 1996). Footnote 1

In order to explain the roles of CSO and the variation in responsibilities, we will accumulate three dimensions of civil society from pr e-study on this topic. To explain the first dimension, use the literature (Binderkrantz 2008) that deals with profit organizations. The literature states two categories of organizations that respond to the comprehensive theoretical distinctions above: corporateist and welfare organizations. On the other hand, the Corporateism organization includes labor unions such as Landsorganizationen I Severge and Lärarförbundet, and TEKN. Corporate organizations such as IKFöretagen (Swedish Engineering Industry Association) Includes. Scandinavian literature on profit organizations includes membershi p-based organizations in corporate organizations, but does not include individual companies seeking political influence (Binderkrantz 2008). On the other hand, welfare organizations have expert groups, identity groups, and public interest groups. In particular, specialized groups include members who have members engaged in common occupations, promote professional professions, and act to spread their knowledge related to their occupations. This subcategory includes, for example, Lärare I Samhälllskunskap (Social Study) and SVERIGES Författarförbund (Swedish writer). On the other hand, public interest organizations include organizations pursuing collective profits and SVERIGES Författarförbunds. In order to explain the roles and responsibilities of CSO, we will accumulate three dimensions of civil society from pr e-research on this topic. To explain the first dimension, use the literature (Binderkrantz 2008) that deals with profit organizations. The literature states two categories of organizations that respond to the comprehensive theoretical distinctions above: corporateist and welfare organizations. On the other hand, the Corporateism organization includes labor unions such as Landsorganizationen I Severge and Lärarförbundet, and TEKN. Corporate organizations such as IKFöretagen (Swedish Engineering Industry Association) Includes. Scandinavian literature on profit organizations includes membershi p-based organizations in corporate organizations, but does not include individual companies seeking political influence (Binderkrantz 2008). On the other hand, welfare organizations have expert groups, identity groups, and public interest groups. In particular, specialized groups include members who have members engaged in common occupations, promote professional professions, and act to spread their knowledge related to their occupations. This subcategory includes, for example, Lärare I Samhälllskunskap (Social Study) and SVERIGES Författarförbund (Swedish writer). On the other hand, public interest organizations include organizations pursuing collective profits and SVERIGES Författarförbunds. In order to explain the roles of CSO and the variation in responsibilities, we will accumulate three dimensions of civil society from pr e-study on this topic. To explain the first dimension, use the literature (Binderkrantz 2008) that deals with profit organizations. The literature states two categories of organizations that respond to the comprehensive theoretical distinctions above: corporateist and welfare organizations. On the other hand, the Corporateism organization includes labor unions such as Landsorganizationen I Severge and Lärarförbundet, and TEKN. Corporate organizations such as IKFöretagen (Swedish Engineering Industry Association) Includes. Scandinavian literature on profit organizations includes membershi p-based organizations in corporate organizations, but does not include individual companies seeking political influence (Binderkrantz 2008). On the other hand, welfare organizations have expert groups, identity groups, and public interest groups. In particular, specialized groups include members who have members engaged in common occupations, promote professional professions, and act to spread their knowledge related to their occupations. This subcategory includes, for example, Lärare I Samhälllskunskap (Social Study) and SVERIGES Författarförbund (Swedish writer). On the other hand, public interest organizations include organizations pursuing collective profits and SVERIGES Författarförbunds.

The second aspect of civil society is to distinguish between proposa l-oriented tissue and servic e-oriented tissue. Advocac y-oriented organizations generally try to affect the policy agenda through lobbying and other means. These organizations are considered to be the true expression of citizens' interests and priority items, competing with the nation, disgusting the current situation, and functioning as a democratic infrastructure that seeks common good. This category includes organizations such as Handikapförbunden (Workers' Education Association and the Swedish Federation for Persons with Disabilities). In contrast, the main goals of servic e-oriented organizations are to provide a variety of services to the target groups, develop powerful regional communities, solve social problems, and secure their sense of belonging. The group includes organizations such as DemensFörbundet (the National Dementia Rights Association) and Anhörigas Riksförbund (Swedish Careers Association).

Discussion and Conclusions

Regarding the possibility of shifts from no n-profit tissues to FPO, the third dimension is that these two types of tissues are well known. On the other hand, NPOs are somewhat no n-institutional and autonomous, and do not return profits to owners and directors. In addition, NPOs do not mainly promote candidates selected in the election (Anheier 2005). This feature is generally the same as how the scholars have defined the civil society, for example, Lärarnas Riksförbund, Historialärarnas Förening, UNDET (schizophrenia association) ) Also applies to. On the other hand, FPO refers to an organization that aims to distribute surplus income to an organization shareholder (owner, etc.) or provide services to public organizations and specific target groups. This category contains organizations such as CAREMA Care AB, Attendo Care, Kunskapsskolan, and Särnmark Assistans.

With these aspects of civil society, I empirically scrutinized the decline of corporateist organizations, to shift to services, no n-profit organizations and FPOs. The second aspect of civil society is to distinguish between proposa l-oriented tissue and servic e-oriented tissue. Advocac y-oriented organizations generally try to affect the policy agenda through lobbying and other means. These organizations are considered to be the true expression of citizens' interests and priority items, competing with the nation, disgusting the current situation, and functioning as a democratic infrastructure that seeks common good. This category includes organizations such as Handikapförbunden (Workers' Education Association and the Swedish Federation for Persons with Disabilities). In contrast, the main goals of servic e-oriented organizations are to provide a variety of services to the target groups, develop powerful regional communities, solve social problems, and secure their sense of belonging. The group includes organizations such as DemensFörbundet (the National Dementia Rights Association) and Anhörigas Riksförbund (Swedish Careers Association).

Regarding the possibility of shifts from no n-profit tissues to FPO, the third dimension is that these two types of tissues are well known. On the other hand, NPOs are somewhat no n-institutional and autonomous, and do not return profits to owners and directors. In addition, NPOs do not mainly promote candidates selected in the election (Anheier 2005). This feature is generally the same as how the scholars have defined the civil society, for example, Historielärarnas Förening, Lärarnas Riksförbund. UNDET (schizophrenia association) ) Also applies to. On the other hand, FPO refers to an organization that aims to distribute surplus income to an organization shareholder (owner, etc.) or provide services to public organizations and specific target groups. This category contains organizations such as CAREMA Care AB, Attendo Care, Kunskapsskolan, and Särnmark Assistans.

With these aspects of civil society, I empirically scrutinized the decline of corporateist organizations, to shift to services, no n-profit organizations and FPOs. The second aspect of civil society is to distinguish between proposa l-oriented tissue and servic e-oriented tissue. Advocac y-oriented organizations generally try to affect the policy agenda through lobbying and other means. These organizations are considered to be the true expression of citizens' interests and priority items, competing with the nation, disgusting the current situation, and functioning as a democratic infrastructure that seeks common good. This category includes organizations such as Handikapförbunden (Workers' Education Association and the Swedish Federation for Persons with Disabilities). In contrast, the main goals of servic e-oriented organizations are to provide a variety of services to the target groups, develop powerful regional communities, solve social problems, and secure their sense of belonging. The group includes organizations such as DemensFörbundet (the National Dementia Rights Association) and Anhörigas Riksförbund (Swedish Careers Association).

Regarding the possibility of shifts from no n-profit tissue to FPO, the third dimension is separated as well as wel l-known. On the other hand, NPOs are somewhat no n-institutional and autonomous, and do not return profits to owners and directors. In addition, NPOs do not mainly promote candidates selected in the election (Anheier 2005). This feature is generally the same as how the scholars have defined the civil society, for example, Lärarnas Riksförbund, Historialärarnas Förening, UNDET (schizophrenia association) ) Also applies to. On the other hand, FPO refers to an organization that aims to distribute surplus income to an organization shareholder (owner, etc.) or provide services to public organizations and specific target groups. This category contains organizations such as CAREMA Care AB, Attendo Care, Kunskapsskolan, and Särnmark Assistans.

With these aspects of civil society, I empirically scrutinized the decline of corporateist organizations, to shift to services, no n-profit organizations and FPOs.

In order to identify the various aspects of CSO and the subcategory, we referred to the official purpose and goals described on each organization's website, but the most important source of information was the terms of each organization. For organizations that do not have websites, we referred to secondary materials such as other research, historical documents, reports, and websites of other organizations, and identified the purpose and goals of the organization. Footnote 2 Based on this information, each organization was classified according to all three dimensions. Some organizations can be considered as "hybrid organization" (Bills 2010), which straddles several categories (for example, Advocacy and Services). In my classification, there are restrictions that readers must pay attention to when interpreting the results, as this type of tissue cannot be completely disclosed. In order to systematically alleviate these constraints systematically, I am a priority in each of the rules, assuming that the hierarchy of the organization is involved in the identity of the organization in each category. I investigated whether it was attached. If the rules alone are not enough, we have additionally considered information about the organization's activities and missions. Therefore, the organizational identity decided to be based on the most important purpose formulated by each organization.

In my procedure, CSO, which is active for multiple periods, does not take into account the possibility of changing over time. Ideally, I wanted to control the goals and goals of each time. At the same time, researchers suggest that the basic characteristics of the organization defined at the time of establishment are unlikely to completely change (Hannan and Freeman 1984), but even if this problem has occurred. , It is limited. However, when interpreting the results, this constraints should be recalled.

Notes

In order to show the results of the demonstration survey, we first discuss the participation of CSO and National Actor. Next, the results of the survey on the participation of Coratism and welfare organizations are summarized, and the results of the survey on the participation of Advocacy and Servic e-oriented organizations. Finally, we will discuss the results of no n-profit organizations and FPO participation. In order to identify the various aspects of CSO and the subcategory, we referred to the official purpose and goals described on the website of each organization, but the most important source of information was the rules of each organization. 。 For organizations that do not have websites, we referred to secondary materials such as other research, historical documents, reports, and websites of other organizations, and identified the purpose and goals of the organization. Footnote 2 Based on this information, each organization was classified according to all three dimensions. Some organizations can be considered as "hybrid organization" (Bills 2010), which straddles several categories (for example, Advocacy and Services). In my classification, there are restrictions that readers must pay attention to when interpreting the results, as this type of tissue cannot be completely disclosed. In order to systematically alleviate these constraints systematically, I am a priority in each of the rules, assuming that the hierarchy of the organization is involved in the identity of the organization in each category. I investigated whether it was attached. If the rules alone are not enough, we have additionally considered information about the organization's activities and missions. Therefore, the organizational identity decided to be based on the most important purpose formulated by each organization.

References

In order to show the results of the demonstration survey, we first discuss the participation of CSO and National Actor. Next, the results of the survey on the participation of Coratism and welfare organizations are summarized, and the results of the survey on the participation of Advocacy and Servic e-oriented organizations. Finally, we will discuss the results of no n-profit organizations and FPO participation. In order to identify the various aspects of CSO and the subcategory, we referred to the official purpose and goals described on each organization's website, but the most important source of information was the terms of each organization. For organizations that do not have websites, we referred to secondary materials such as other research, historical documents, reports, and websites of other organizations, and identified the purpose and goals of the organization. Footnote 2 Based on this information, each organization was classified according to all three dimensions. Some organizations can be considered as "hybrid organization" (Bills 2010), which straddles several categories (for example, Advocacy and Services). In my classification, there are restrictions that readers must pay attention to when interpreting the results, as this type of tissue cannot be completely disclosed. In order to systematically alleviate these constraints systematically, I am a priority in each of the rules, assuming that the hierarchy of the organization is involved in the identity of the organization in each category. I investigated whether it was attached. If the rules alone are not enough, we have additionally considered information about the organization's activities and missions. Therefore, the organizational identity decided to be based on the most important purpose formulated by each organization.
In my procedure, CSO, which is active for multiple periods, does not take into account the possibility of changing over time. Ideally, I wanted to control the goals and goals of each time. At the same time, researchers suggest that the basic characteristics of the organization defined at the time of establishment are unlikely to completely change (Hannan and Freeman 1984), but even if this problem has occurred. , It is limited. However, when interpreting the results, this constraints should be recalled.
In order to show the results of the demonstration survey, we first discuss the participation of CSO and National Actor. Next, we will see the results of a survey on the participation of Coratism and welfare organizations, and then an outline of the results of the participation of Advocacy and Servic e-oriented organizations. Finally, we will discuss the results of no n-profit organizations and FPO participation.
As shown in Table 1, 30 % (134/440) represented CSO during the first period (1958-1979). However, with the passage of time, civil society decreased by 9 % (17), whereas the nation increased by 9 % (127 organizations). The most clear change is between the first phase (1958-1979) and the second term (1958-1979) and the 2nd (1980-1989), when the civil society has decreased from 30 % to 21 %. It seems to have happened. Later, the relative share of civil society and the national actor was stable, although it was absolutely flexible. The most prominent change in the absolute value occurred in the third phase (1990-1999), and the number of actors in both civil society and the nation decreased from 464 to 219 in the second term (1980-1989), and After that, it increased again to 555 during the final period (2000-2012).
Table 1 Participation of citizen social organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses
In reviewing the general balance between civil society and the nation, it is necessary to recognize the potential changes related to the three dimensions of the organizations explained earlier. As clear from Table 2, in the first phase (1958-1979), 18 % of welfare organizations accounted for 11 % (49/440) of the entire actor in relief procedures. (81/440) was occupied. Through this period, corporateist organizations increased by 3 % (ie, 25 groups), while welfare organizations decreased by 12 % (that is, 38 groups). The most clear changes occurred between the third phase (1990-1999) and the final period (2000-2012), increased from 10 % to 14 %, and welfare organizations 19 % to 6 %. It has decreased. In the absolute number, the number of tissues fluctuates throughout the whole period, which can be explained from the low level of the participants in the third phase. Therefore, it indicates that the participation of these types of CSO has slightly changed.
Table 2 The participation of corporateism and welfare organizations (1958-2012) (in parentheses in parentheses is 30 % (134/440) during the first period (1958-1979). However, the number of citizens has increased by 9 % (177), while the CSO represented. It seems to have occurred between the first phase (1958-1979) and the second phase (1980-1989), when society decreased from 30 % to 21 % and the number of nations increased from 68 % to 77 %. The relative share of civil society and the national actor was the most stable, although it was absolutely flexible, but the most prominent change occurred in the third term (1990-1999). The number of actors as a whole of both society and the nation decreased from 464 to 219 in the second phase (1980-1989), and then increased again to 555 in the final period (2000-2012).
Table 1 Participation of citizen social organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses
In reviewing the general balance between civil society and the nation, it is necessary to recognize the potential changes related to the three dimensions of the organizations explained earlier. As clear from Table 2, in the first phase (1958-1979), 18 % of welfare organizations accounted for 11 % (49/440) of the entire actor in relief procedures. (81/440) was occupied. Through this period, corporateist organizations increased by 3 % (ie, 25 groups), while welfare organizations decreased by 12 % (that is, 38 groups). The most clear changes occurred between the third phase (1990-1999) and the final period (2000-2012), increased from 10 % to 14 %, and welfare organizations 19 % to 6 %. It has decreased. In the absolute number, the number of tissues fluctuates throughout the whole period, which can be explained from the low level of the participants in the third phase. Therefore, it indicates that the participation of these types of CSO has slightly changed.
Table 2 The participation of corporateism and welfare organizations (1958-2012) (in parentheses, absolute numerical table 1 shows Absolute Table 1, and in the first period (1958-1979), groups (134/440) are 30 % (134/440). In representing CSO, the number of citizens' society has increased by 9 % (177) over time. It seems to have occurred between the first phase (1958-1979) and the second phase (1980-1989), which has decreased from % to 21 % and increased from 68 % to 77 %. The relative market share of the national actor was absolutely flexible, but the most prominent change occurred in the third term (1990-1999). The number of actors as a whole decreased from 464 to 219 in the second phase (1980-1989), and then increased to 555 in the final period (2000-2012).
Table 1 Participation of citizen social organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses
In reviewing the general balance between civil society and the nation, it is necessary to recognize the potential changes related to the three dimensions of the organizations explained earlier. As clear from Table 2, in the first phase (1958-1979), 18 % of welfare organizations accounted for 11 % (49/440) of the entire actor in relief procedures. (81/440) was occupied. Through this period, corporateist organizations increased by 3 % (ie, 25 groups), while welfare organizations decreased by 12 % (that is, 38 groups). The most clear changes occurred between the third phase (1990-1999) and the final period (2000-2012), increased from 10 % to 14 %, and welfare organizations 19 % to 6 %. It has decreased. In the absolute number, the number of tissues fluctuates throughout the entire period, which can be explained from the low level of the participants in the third phase. Therefore, it indicates that the participation of these types of CSO has slightly changed.
Table 2 Coratism and welfare organizations participation (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses)
Table 2 also shows other interesting results. Among them, trade unions constituted the largest type of corporatist organization in all periods except the final period (2000-2012). From the third period (1990-1999) to the final period, business associations increased from 2% to 7%, approaching the share of trade unions. For welfare organizations, public interest organizations constituted the largest type throughout the entire period, while professional and identity organizations were relatively equal in number. The results also show that all types of welfare organizations declined, but professional organizations declined the most between the first period (1959-1979) and the second period (1980-1989), both in relative and absolute terms.
The results therefore provide evidence of some changes in welfare governance in Sweden. While the share of corporatist organizations declined slightly, welfare organizations increased their participation in rescue procedures. The clearest change between corporatist and welfare organizations occurred between the third period (1990-1999) and the final period (2000-2012). This result corresponds well with the declining trend of corporatism, where a limited number of corporatist organizations participated in national policy-making. However, the decline of welfare organizations raises questions about how to understand the relationship between these types of organizations and the state.
Turning to the distinction between advocacy-oriented and service-oriented organizations, Table 3 shows that in the first period (1958-1979), advocacy-oriented groups accounted for 29% (126/440) of the actors in the Remis procedure, while service-oriented groups accounted for 1% (5/440). However, throughout the twentieth century, the proportion of advocacy-oriented organizations decreased by 10 percentage points (i. e., a decrease of 21 organizations), while the proportion of service-oriented organizations increased by only 1 percentage point (i. e., an increase of 5 organizations). The most obvious changes occurred between the first period (1958-1979) and the second period (1980-1989). The number of organizations fluctuated throughout the entire period, but the results were similar in absolute numbers. The most significant changes in service-oriented organizations occurred between the third period (1990-1999) and the final period (2000-2012).
Table 3 Advocac y-oriented organizations and servic e-oriented organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses)
At first glance, three claims are generally supported. However, the decrease in adobocac y-oriented organizations is ahead of the fact that politics and policies were emphasized in the 1990s, and such changes seemed to be reported in the literature. It may indicate that it has nothing to do with the changes from remarks to services.
Finally, Table 4 focuses on the distinction between no n-profit organizations and FPOs. As a result, during the first period (1958-1979), the FPO accounted for only 1 % (6/440) of the actors who participated in the Remis procedure, while the NPO accounted for 30 % (134/440). I was. However, with the passage of time, FPOs rose only one point from the first to the final period, while no n-profit organizations decreased nine points. Absolute numbers have seen similar changes, increasing the number of FPOs from one to 11, and the number of no n-profit organizations has decreased from 134 to 117.
Table 4 No n-profit and profit organization participation (1958-2012) (absolute number in parentheses)
Although the relative advantage of no n-profit organizations has declined throughout the whole period, it has been poorly supported by the claim that the role of FPO in welfare policy has increased. However, the increase in the role of corporate organization is noteworthy. As shown in Table 2, business organizations have increased from 2 % to 7 % from the third to the final period. These organizations represent individual FPOs organized as no n-profit, suggesting an increase in collective mobilization of FPOs in welfare policy planning. As a whole, this result supports the claim of strengthening the role of FPO in the draft welfare policy. Table 3 Advocac y-oriented organizations and servic e-oriented organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses)
At first glance, three claims are generally supported. However, the decrease in adobocac y-oriented organizations is ahead of the fact that politics and policies were emphasized in the 1990s, and such changes seemed to be reported in the literature. It may indicate that it has nothing to do with the changes from remarks to services.
Finally, Table 4 focuses on the distinction between no n-profit organizations and FPOs. As a result, during the first period (1958-1979), the FPO accounted for only 1 % (6/440) of the actors who participated in the Remis procedure, while the NPO accounted for 30 % (134/440). I was. However, with the passage of time, FPOs rose only one point from the first to the final period, while no n-profit organizations decreased nine points. Absolute numbers have seen similar changes, increasing the number of FPOs from one to 11, and the number of no n-profit organizations has decreased from 134 to 117.
Table 4 No n-profit and profit organization participation (1958-2012) (absolute number in parentheses)
Although the relative advantage of no n-profit organizations has declined throughout the whole period, it has been poorly supported by the claim that the role of FPO in welfare policy has increased. However, the increase in the role of corporate organization is noteworthy. As shown in Table 2, business organizations have increased from 2 % to 7 % from the third to the final period. These organizations represent individual FPOs organized as no n-profit, suggesting an increase in collective mobilization of FPOs in welfare policy planning. As a whole, this result supports the claim of strengthening the role of FPO in the draft welfare policy. Table 3 Advocac y-oriented organizations and servic e-oriented organizations (1958-2012) (absolute numbers in parentheses)
At first glance, three claims are generally supported. However, the decrease in adobocac y-oriented organizations is ahead of the fact that politics and policies were emphasized in the 1990s, and such changes seemed to be reported in the literature. It may indicate that it has nothing to do with the changes from remarks to services.
Finally, Table 4 focuses on the distinction between no n-profit organizations and FPOs. As a result, during the first period (1958-1979), the FPO accounted for only 1 % (6/440) of the actors who participated in the Remis procedure, while the NPO accounted for 30 % (134/440). I was. However, with the passage of time, FPOs had increased only by one point from the first to the final period, whereas no n-profit organizations decreased nine points. Absolute numbers have seen similar changes, increasing the number of FPOs from one to 11, and the number of no n-profit organizations has decreased from 134 to 117.
Table 4 No n-profit and profit organization participation (1958-2012) (absolute number in parentheses)
Although the relative advantage of no n-profit organizations has declined throughout the whole period, it has been poorly supported by the claim that the role of FPO in welfare policy has increased. However, the increase in the role of corporate organization is noteworthy. As shown in Table 2, business organizations have increased from 2 % to 7 % from the third to the final period. These organizations represent individual FPOs organized as no n-profit, suggesting an increase in collective mobilization of FPOs in welfare policy planning. As a whole, this result supports the claim of strengthening the role of FPO in the draft welfare policy.
In summary, we find that CSOs accounted for about one-third of all actors in welfare policymaking in the entire period. Over time, the number of CSOs decreased relatively, while the state strengthened its position. Furthermore, from the third to the final period, the proportion of corporatist organizations increased slightly, while the proportion of welfare organizations decreased. This result means that the role of advocacy-oriented organizations in welfare policymaking weakened relatively, while the proportion of service-oriented organizations was small and relatively stable. Finally, the share of non-profit organizations decreased, while the share of FPOs remained relatively stable. Nevertheless, the increase in business organizations suggests that FPOs became increasingly collectively mobilized in welfare policymaking.
By tracking hundreds of CSOs over time, I investigated historical trends in CSO participation in Swedish welfare policymaking. My research has focused on scrutinizing the transformation of the roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, the so-called new social contract, which concerns changes in the governance of welfare policies with the rise of FPOs at the expense of non-profits, and a deeper role of CSOs as public service providers at the expense of advocacy (Wijkström 2012). By analysing the participation of 1435 actors (595 of which were CSOs, 787 state actors, and 53 FPOs) in six areas of welfare policies from 1958 to 2012 and distinguishing between three dimensions of organisation, I obtain results that argue for and against these claims.
By focusing on the Swedish consultation process, the Remis procedure, I find that corporatist organisations, i. e. trade unions and business organisations, have relatively slightly increased, whereas welfare organisations have decreased. Moreover, the proportion of organisations with advocacy aims has decreased, whereas service-oriented organisations have remained stable. Finally, the share of NPOs decreased and the participation of FPOs remained stable. However, the increase in business organizations indicates that FPOs gradually became more collective in their efforts, which confirms that the role of FPOs in welfare policymaking became slightly stronger.
The results therefore indicate that broad changes in the roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, with respect to the political system's outputs (Brandsen and Pestoff 2006; Wijkström 2012), are also evident in the inputs. However, political incentives to emphasize civil society involvement in welfare policymaking cannot be identified, as the state only slightly strengthened its position in relation to civil society. At the same time, the overall changes were not dramatic. Rather than radical changes, they revealed a gradual process of change in CSO participation in welfare governance, at least as illustrated by the Swedish bailout procedure.
My findings have several theoretical consequences for research on civil society participation in welfare policymaking. First, the slight increase in corporatist associations' participation parallels the claim that the privileged pattern of corporatist associations in Swedish policymaking is decreasing (Lindvall and Sebring 2005). With more corporatist organisations participating in policy-making, the privileged participation patterns characteristic of classical corporatism are less evident. At the same time, the relative decline in participation of welfare organisations indicates that privileged participation patterns may persist. Thus, rather than a complete disappearance of corporatism, this result may reflect the emergence of a new, modern corporatism that includes modern political issues and new corporatised actors (Molina and Rhodes 2002, p. 309). A broader question is what the changing participation patterns mean for political influence. The scope of this paper does not allow us to address this question in detail, but the increasing participation of corporatist organisations may indicate that corporatist organisations are strengthening their position in Swedish policy-making.
Furthermore, the fact that the status of corporate organizations has been slightly enhanced and FPO participation is slightly increased compared to no n-profit organizations means that the Swedish welfare system is gradually marketed (Wijkström and Einarsson 2006; Petersen And The core of my discovery, Henriksen et al. (Henriksen et al.), And other welfare systems of other Western countries, is the balance of the category of the Corporateism, the balance between the union and the corporate organization. From the third to the final phase, economic organizations seem to have strengthened their roles as the knowledge, legitimacy, and policy initiatives in Sweden's national welfare policy. The expansion of corporate organizations is consistent with the change of mechanics of political power in Sweden's national politics. In 2006, the Swedish Social Democratic Party (Swedish Social Democratic Party), which has a friendly union, was replaced by the traditional and conservative coalition (commonly known as the Alliance). In response to this change, a new liberalist model of marketing regulations, such as the freedom of choosing the right to give the people the right to choose welfare businesses, and, for example, a more generous improvement of private organizations in the Sweden public school system. Various regulations have been prepared for consultation. Thus, this result has revealed the potential importance of ideologies in each field of welfare, education, and social security. Furthermore, the fact that the status of corporate organizations has been slightly enhanced and the number of FPOs has increased slightly compared to no n-profit organizations means that the Swedish welfare system is gradually marketed (Wijkström and Einarsson 2006 The core of my discovery is a change in the balance between the Coratism category, the union and corporate organizations, in my discovery. From the third to the final phase, economic organizations seem to have strengthened their roles as the knowledge, legitimacy, and policy initiatives in Sweden's national welfare policy. The expansion of corporate organizations is consistent with the change of mechanics of political power in Sweden's national politics. In 2006, the Swedish Social Democratic Party (Swedish Social Democratic Party), which has a friendly union, was replaced by the traditional and conservative coalition (commonly known as the Alliance). In response to this change, a new liberalist model of marketing regulations, such as the freedom of choosing the right to give the people the right to choose welfare businesses, and, for example, a more generous improvement of private organizations in the Sweden public school system. Various regulations have been prepared for consultation. Thus, this result has revealed the potential importance of ideologies in each field of welfare, education, and social security. Furthermore, the fact that the status of corporate organizations has been slightly enhanced and FPO participation is slightly increased compared to no n-profit organizations means that the Swedish welfare system is gradually marketed (Wijkström and Einarsson 2006; Petersen And The core of my discovery, Henriksen et al. (Henriksen et al.), And other welfare systems of other Western countries, is the balance of the category of the Corporateism, the balance between the union and the corporate organization. From the third to the final phase, economic organizations seem to have strengthened their roles as the knowledge, legitimacy, and policy initiatives in Sweden's national welfare policy. The expansion of corporate organizations is consistent with the change of mechanics of political power in Sweden's national politics. In 2006, the Swedish Social Democratic Party (Swedish Social Democratic Party), which has a friendly union, was replaced by the traditional and conservative coalition (commonly known as the Alliance). In response to this change, a new liberalist model of marketing regulations, such as the freedom of choosing the right to give the people the right to choose welfare businesses, and, for example, a more generous improvement of private organizations in the Sweden public school system. Various regulations have been prepared for consultation. Thus, this result has revealed the potential importance of ideologies in each field of welfare, education, and social security.
Finally, in accordance with the hypothesis from remarks to services, the participation of adobocac y-oriented organizations has declined slightly, but the participation of servic e-oriented organizations has been stable. However, it was before Sweden's politics and policies changed the participation of Advocac y-oriented organizations relatively, indicating that this change was unrelated to scholars' claims. There is. At the same time, this result may have a democratic meaning. This is because the number of organizations that mainly intends to disagree with the current situation has decreased in lobby activities and other methods, and this is because of the decrease in the number of organizations. Question about democratic roles (Cohen and ARATO 1992; Warren 2001). It is important to recall that the Swedish Remis procedure is complemented by the government selection process that invites an organization that seems to have a stake in policy. Therefore, the decrease in the role of Advocacy may reflect the incentives of the state to reduce the conflict between the nation and the civil society. Although there is no empirical evidence that supports such a trend, the Swedish government has an incentive that consults with internal organizations that are already involved in more privileged places in bureaucracy. It is done (Lundberg 2013). A more optimistic interpretation is that the result is that the priority of civil society has changed to a more privileged area for the Swedish government. Finally, in accordance with the hypothesis from remarks to services, it was shown that the participation of Advocac y-oriented organizations was slightly decreasing, but the participation of servic e-oriented organizations was stable. 。 However, it was before Sweden's politics and policies changed the participation of Advocac y-oriented organizations relatively, indicating that this change was unrelated to scholars' claims. There is. At the same time, this result may have a democratic meaning. This is because the number of organizations that mainly intends to disagree with the current situation has decreased in lobby activities and other methods, and this is because of the decrease in the number of organizations. Question about democratic roles (Cohen and ARATO 1992; Warren 2001). It is important to recall that the Swedish Remis procedure is complemented by the government selection process that invites an organization that seems to have a stake in policy. Therefore, the decrease in the role of Advocacy may reflect the incentives of the state to reduce the conflict between the nation and the civil society. Although there is no empirical evidence that supports such a trend, the Swedish government has an incentive that consults with internal organizations that are already involved in more privileged places in bureaucracy. It is done (Lundberg 2013). A more optimistic interpretation is that the result is that the priority of civil society has changed to a more privileged area for the Swedish government. Finally, in accordance with the hypothesis from remarks to services, the participation of adobocac y-oriented organizations has declined slightly, but the participation of servic e-oriented organizations has been stable. However, it was before Sweden's politics and policies changed the participation of Advocac y-oriented organizations relatively, indicating that this change was unrelated to scholars' claims. There is. At the same time, this result may have a democratic meaning. This is because the number of organizations that mainly intends to disagree with the current situation has decreased in lobby activities and other methods, and this is because of the decrease in the number of organizations. Question about democratic roles (Cohen and ARATO 1992; Warren 2001). It is important to recall that the Swedish Remis procedure is complemented by the government selection process that invites an organization that seems to have a stake in policy. Therefore, the decrease in the role of Advocacy may reflect the incentives of the state to reduce the conflict between the nation and the civil society. Although there is no empirical evidence that supports such a trend, the Swedish government has an incentive that consults with internal organizations that are already involved in more privileged places in bureaucracy. It is done (Lundberg 2013). A more optimistic interpretation is that the result is that the priority of civil society has changed to a more privileged area for the Swedish government.
At the same time, my research has several limits. For example, studying how individual organizations have been mobilized for a long time, scrutinizing the claims and viewpoints proposed in the discussion, and individual organizations, the purpose and activity of the advocac y-oriented and servic e-oriented services. To verify how the potential balance has been negotiated. In that regard, the difference between policy issues and arenas has potentially a problem. Relief procedures are an important place for welfare policy planning, but there may be differences from other places and systems. The second limit is that the three dimensions of CSOS are too weak to capture the complex structures of many tissues and frequently captures different purposes and means. Therefore, a more sophisticated analysis of the various aspects of the organization is required. In other words, in future research, it is necessary to take into account changes within the organization that changes over time and the fact that the organization has various purposes and intentions for each era.
Nevertheless, this study also has some strengths. First, the role of CSO in one of the most advanced welfare nations in the world, which shows a major combination of welfare markets and a powerful combination of public management reform by adopting a historical perspective that covers a wide range of periods. He verified the changes related to responsibility. Second, by paying attention to the formation of a welfare policy, the results of this study are the direction and great direction of the actor who controls the transformation of the welfare state, creating policy initiative, ideas, and legitimacy in policy planning. It is also essential to understand the role and responsibility of civil society in the formation of welfare policy planning. In that respect, the experience in Sweden is extremely important for the overall understanding of civil society and its vitality in governmen t-led welfare nations. At the same time, my research has several limits. For example, studying how individual organizations have been mobilized for a long time, scrutinizing the claims and viewpoints proposed in the discussion, and individual organizations, the purpose and activity of the advocac y-oriented and servic e-oriented services. To verify how the potential balance has been negotiated. In that regard, the difference between policy issues and arenas has potentially a problem. Relief procedures are an important place for welfare policy planning, but there may be differences from other places and systems. The second limit is that the three dimensions of CSOS are too weak to capture the complex structures of many tissues and frequently captures different purposes and means. Therefore, a more sophisticated analysis of the various aspects of the organization is required. In other words, in future research, it is necessary to take into account changes within the organization that changes over time and the fact that the organization has various purposes and intentions for each era.
Nevertheless, this study also has some strengths. First, the role of CSO in one of the most advanced welfare nations in the world, which shows a major combination of welfare markets and a powerful combination of public management reform by adopting a historical perspective that covers a wide range of periods. He verified the changes related to responsibility. Second, by paying attention to the formation of a welfare policy, the results of this study are the direction and great direction of the actor who controls the transformation of the welfare state, creating policy initiative, ideas, and legitimacy in policy planning. It is also essential to understand the role and responsibility of civil society in the formation of welfare policy planning. In that respect, the experience in Sweden is extremely important for the overall understanding of civil society and its vitality in governmen t-led welfare nations. At the same time, my research has several limits. For example, studying how individual organizations have been mobilized for a long time, scrutinizing the claims and viewpoints proposed in the discussion, and individual organizations, the purpose and activity of the advocac y-oriented and servic e-oriented services. To verify how the potential balance has been negotiated. In that regard, the difference between policy issues and arenas has potentially a problem. Relief procedures are an important place for welfare policy planning, but there may be differences from other places and systems. The second limit is that the three dimensions of CSOS are too weak to capture the complex structures of many tissues and frequently captures different purposes and means. Therefore, a more sophisticated analysis of the various aspects of the organization is required. In other words, in future research, it is necessary to take into account changes within the organization that changes over time and the fact that the organization has various purposes and intentions for each era.
However, this study also has some strengths. First, the role of CSO in one of the most advanced welfare nations in the world, which shows a major combination of welfare markets and a powerful combination of public management reform by adopting a historical perspective that covers a wide range of periods. He verified the changes related to responsibility. Second, by paying attention to the formation of a welfare policy, the results of this study are the direction and great direction of the actor who controls the transformation of the welfare state, creating policy initiative, ideas, and legitimacy in policy planning. It is also essential to understand the role and responsibility of civil society in the formation of welfare policy planning. In that respect, the experience in Sweden is extremely important for the overall understanding of civil society and its vitality in governmen t-led welfare nations.
The state refers to local and national agencies and organizations, judicial institutions, and companies that are more than half owned by public authorities, including Government Investigative Support, the Agency for Legal, Financial and Administrative Services, the City of Stockholm, the Parliamentary Ombudsman's Office, and the Swedish courts.
We excluded organizations that were difficult to classify because it was impossible to interpret handwritten records.
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Henriksen, L. S., Smith, S. R., THøersen, M., & Ammer, A. (2016). Comparative analysis of no n-profit sector involvement in providing social services at a local level. In Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis (PP. 221-236). Palgrave macmillan.
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Hermansson, J., Lund, A., Svensson, T., & amp; Öberg, P. (1999). A new model for lobbyism-constitution? State offentliga utredningar (SOU 1991:121), Demokratiutredningens forskarvolym 13 . Stockholm: Fakta Info Direkt. Google Scholar

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Last modified: 27.08.2024

We criticize the prevailing Weberian and Tocquevillian concepts of civil society, and then, drawing on research in social movements and comparative political. Forum för frivilligt socialt arbete. Lundberg, E. (). Toward a new social contract? The participation of civil society in Swedish welfare policymaking, This paper presents a mapping of the Swedish children's rights organizations (SCROs) and an analysis of how these organizations relate to public child welfare.

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Toward a New Social Contract The Participation of Civil Society in Swedish Welfare Policymaking

Toward a New Social Contract? The Participation of Civil Society in Swedish Welfare Policymaking, 1958–2012

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Introduction

Theoretical Propositions: Three Dimensions of Change in Sweden’s Social Contract

The Shift from Corporatist Organizations to Welfare Organizations

From Voice to Service

From Nonprofit Organizations to FPOs

Research Design and Definitions

Definitions and Dimensions of Civil Society

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Discussion and Conclusions

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